Thursday, April 11, 2019

Dean Baker: Medicare for 64 Year Olds Is a Step Toward Medicare for All [feedly]

The always clever Dean Baker with a "teachable moment" proposal....


Medicare for 64 Year Olds Is a Step Toward Medicare for All
http://cepr.net/publications/op-eds-columns/medicare-for-64-year-olds-is-a-step-toward-medicare-for-all

Dean Baker
Truthout, April 8, 2019

See article on original site

There is a renewed push for making a Medicare-type government program universal so that a public health care insurance system covers everyone in the country. This effort gained enormous momentum from Senator Bernie Sanders's 2016 campaign for the Democratic nomination, as well as from the continuing Republican attacks on Obamacare. A bill put forward by Washington Representative Pramila Jayapal, outlining a Medicare for All (M4A) plan, now has 107 co-sponsors — nearly half of the Democratic caucus in the House.

While this is great progress toward the goal of a universal Medicare-type plan, it still has a long way to go. For example, the supporters of Jayapal's bill could not agree on a financing mechanism, so the bill has a menu of options rather an actual financing proposal.

There is also serious pushback from other members of the Democratic caucus. Some of it undoubtedly reflects realistic political concerns that a quick switchover from the current system to M4A will not be popular in many districts.

Many people are satisfied with the insurance they have now and may be reluctant to support what they view as a big leap into the unknown. Perhaps these people can be convinced over time that a universal Medicare-type system will be at least as good for them, but they are not there now.

However, some of the pushback stems from the fact that many Democrats have long depended on campaign contributions from the health care industry. While the party has not gotten as much money as the Republicans, many members do get substantial contributions, which they are not prepared to abandon. Medicare for all 64 year olds is designed to call attention to these politicians.

If we accept that we are not likely to get to a universal Medicare system in a single step, the next question is: how can we find a way to phase in the system in a way that both minimizes disruptions and provides real benefits? Many have proposed lowering the age of Medicare eligibility from the current 65 to age 50 or 60. The idea is that we would bring in a large proportion of the pre-Medicare age population, and then gradually go further down the age ladder. (We can also start at the bottom and move up.)

This sort of age reduction approach is a reasonable incremental path, but going to age 50 or even age 60 would still be a considerable expense. There are over 60 million people in the age cohorts from 50 to 64. Including all these people in Medicare at a single step would be a very serious lift. Even the more narrow group from age 60 to 64 still has almost 20 million people. That would be a substantial expense.

However, we can make the first step even more gradual. We can just add people when they turn age 64 instead of the current 65. At first glance, this would be a bit less than 4 million people. Medicare's payments per enrollee (net of premiums) are roughly $11,500. That would translate into $46 billion annually, roughly 1.0 percent of the total budget.

This estimate is very conservative and likely overstates the actual cost for two reasons: First, many 64-year–olds will already have their insurance covered by the government. Roughly 20 percent of this age group is on Medicare as a result of being on Social Security disability. At least 10 percent more is covered by Medicaid. If we add people who are getting insurance as current or former government employees, we would almost certainly get over 40 percent already being insured through some government program, and possibly as high as 50 percent.

In addition, the Medicare costs for 64 year olds are likely to be far less than the overall average. On average people in this age group would have health care costs of around 70 percent of the over–65 population as a whole. But the least healthy portion of the 64-year-old population is likely already covered by either Medicare, as a result of disability, or Medicaid.

If we assume that the average costs for the people we are adding to the government's tab are half of the overall average for Medicare, this gets us $5,750 per person. If we assume that we are adding 60 percent of this age group, that comes to 2.4 million people. That gives us a total tab of $13.8 billion, less than 0.3 percent of total spending or one week of the military budget. It would be pretty hard to argue that this is too expensive.

Making this one–year reduction in the Medicare age would show how easily this can be done. It should open the door to further reductions in future years. It is also likely to be popular politically. People in their late 50s and early 60s will surely appreciate the fact that they are one year closer to qualifying for Medicare.

Of course, this is not the only thing that we should be doing as part of near-term health care reform. We should look to open Medicare to the population as a whole on a voluntary basis. We should also look to make the subsidies under the Affordable Care Act more generous. And, we should be looking to bring our payments for drugs, medical equipment and doctors more in line with payments in other wealthy countries.

However, lowering the Medicare age to 64 is a big first step. It is also a great test of which Democrats are opposed to Medicare for All because they fear the political consequences and which Democrats work for the health care industry.


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TripleCrisis: World Bank Financialization Strategy Serves Big Finance [feedly]

World Bank Financialization Strategy Serves Big Finance
http://triplecrisis.com/world-bank-financialization-strategy-serves-big-finance/
 

In case you need a quick refresher on "capital controls: check: https://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/capital_conrol.asp

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Anis ChowdhuryCross-posted at Inter Press Service.

The World Bank has successfully built a coalition to effectively advance its 'Maximizing Finance for Development' (MFD) agenda. The October 2018 G20 Eminent Persons Group's (EPG) report includes proposals to better coordinate various international financial institutions (IFIs) in promoting financialization.

MDB Midwives of Financialization

The MFD approach wants multilateral development banks (MDBs) to actively re-shape developing countries' financial systems to better 'complement' global finance. MDBs have already urged developing countries to encourage local institutional investors by redesigning pension systems along lines inspired by US private pensions. Thus, MDBs have been:
•    influencing what projects are deemed 'bankable', probably prioritizing large infrastructure over smaller projects.
•    enabling securitization to transform bankable projects into tradable securities, generating more revenues and strengthening global finance.
•    persuading developing country governments to finance subsidies and other 'de-risking' measures designed by MDBs to guarantee private financial profits.
•    determining how developing countries supply securities preferred by transnational banks and institutional investors.

G20 Financialization Proposals

The main G20 EPG proposals for collaboration to promote financialization include:
•    IFIs working together to increase the supply of bankable projects and to share data and information to support infrastructure data platforms needed to securitize MDB loans.
•    IFIs should provide risk insurance to increase the number of bankable projects stuck due to high political risk. This requires government guarantees against 'political risks' to be more attractive to re-insurers.
As securitization of MDB loans involves tradable assets with different credit ratings for investors with diverse 'risk appetites', MDBs are being urged to securitize both private and sovereign loans, and to retain stakes in junior tranches to induce private investments.

MDBs No Longer Development Banks?

While MDBs should follow recent advice for issuers to remain stakeholders by retaining shares of securitized tranches on their balance sheets, the implications are quite different when MDBs, and not private banks, securitize loans.
As originators, MDBs may politically pressure low- and middle-income country governments to provide de-risking instruments, including guaranteed income from securitized public-private partnership (PPP) infrastructure projects.
World Bank Guidance on PPP Contractual Provisions can burden states and citizens more than any trade or investment agreement or international law. States take on inordinate risk while its right to regulate in the public interest is fettered.

New Washington Consensus?

The Washington-based Center for Global Development (CGD) has similarly discouraged borrowing in its paper for the G20 EPG, 'More mobilizing, less lending'. Instead, it proposes augmenting MDB private sector windows with special purpose vehicles (SPVs).
The CDG also calls on MDBs to use sovereign lending to promote reforms to make projects financially viable and to help finance the public share of PPPs. Hence, MDBs are pressuring governments to support the MFD with their own fiscal resources.
The recommendations will also make it more difficult to manage systemic vulnerabilities arising from the envisaged securities, repo and derivative markets to be officially promoted.
Various options promoted by the CDG thus involve high risk, high leverage, financialized investors as partners in international development, exposing the MDBs themselves to the vulnerabilities of the MFD approach.

Checks and Balances?

The tendency towards concentration in asset management (with economies of scale and scope) is likely to result in US-based asset managers allocating finance globally using considerable institutional investments from developing countries.
The G20 EPG is not unaware that its proposal — to transform developing country financial systems to contribute to the global supply of securities — involves significant systemic risks. Nevertheless, it claims to be seeking to secure the benefits of open financial markets while mitigating systemic vulnerabilities.
Thus, it has called on the IMF to: develop and manage a framework for managing volatile capital flows; create a resilient global 'safety net' that can effectively mobilize resources to address financial fragilities; and integrate financial surveillance with an effective early warning system.
However, the EPG paper does not make the shift to securitization conditional on mitigating systemic risks. As its proposed safeguards are largely unrealizable or ineffective, its financial instability concerns do not mean much.
Although recognizing the dangers and vulnerabilities involved at both national and international levels, including the loss of effective sovereign control over financing conditions, the IMF supports the EPG proposals.
Despite the experience of recent financial crises, the IMF continues to preach that freely floating exchange rates can effectively buffer capital flow volatility, while capital controls should only be used after exhausting all monetary and fiscal policy instruments.
Anis Chowdhury, Adjunct Professor at Western Sydney University & University of New South Wales (Australia), held senior United Nations positions in New York and Bangkok.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram, a former economics professor, was Assistant Director-General for Economic and Social Development, Food and Agriculture Organization, and received the Wassily Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought in 2007.
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Austerity Caused Brexit

....and Trump too??
'

Austerity caused Brexit

Thiemo Fetzer 08 April 2019


Since the EU referendum in the UK, a rich but mainly descriptive literature has emerged aiming to make sense of the causes behind the Brexit vote (e.g. Miles 2016, Becker et al. 2016, O'Rourke 2016, Tomlinson 2017). Given the political meltdown in the UK, this is more imperative than ever.  An important cross-cutting observation is that Leave-voting areas have been 'left behind' and that the local populations are particularly reliant on the welfare state.  In a recent new paper (Fetzer 2018), I bring together broad and comprehensive evidence which suggests that austerity policies since 2010 are an important factor that contributed to the build-up of anti-establishment sentiment and helped shift the scales in the referendum in favour of Leave. 

Austerity in the UK since 2010

The austerity-induced reforms of the welfare state initiated by the Conservative-led coalition government since 2010 were extensive. Aggregate real government spending on welfare and social protection decreased by around 16% per capita. Spending on healthcare, being spared direct cuts, flatlined, but the ageing population profile of the population increased demand for the health care services. Further, spending on education contracted by 19% in real terms while expenses for pensions steadily increased, suggesting a significant shift in the composition of government spending.

Figure 1 Overall public sector spending in GBP per capita (real)

Source: Data are from HMRC and ONS. 

Austerity and voting behaviour: District-level estimates

At the district level, the level at which most welfare programmes are administered, spending per person fell by 23.4% in real terms between 2010 and 2015. The fall in spending varied dramatically across districts, ranging from 46.3% to 6.2%, with the sharpest cuts in the poorest areas (Innes and Tetlow 2015).

In 2013, it was estimated that many of the measures included in the Welfare Reform Act of 2012 would cost every working-age Briton, on average, around £440 per year (Beatty and Fothergill 2013).  The impact of the cuts was far from uniform across the UK, as is visualised in Figure 2 – it varied from £914 in Blackpool to just above £177 in the City of London. The overarching observation was that the most deprived areas were most severely affected by the cuts, as they had the highest numbers of people receiving benefits to begin with.

Figure 2 Distribution of the austerity shock

Note: The measure is expressed in financial losses per working-age adult per year, as simulated by Beatty and Fothergill (2013) and used in Fetzer (2018).

Using difference-in-difference at the district level, it can be shown that austerity had sizable and timely effects, increasing support for UKIP across local, national and European elections. The estimates suggest that the tight referendum could have resulted in a Remain victory had it not been for austerity. UKIP vote shares increased by between 3.5 to 11.9 percentage points due to austerity, and given the tight link between UKIP vote shares and an area's support for Leave, simple back-of-the-envelope calculations suggest that Leave support in 2016 could have been easily at least 6 percentage points lower.  

The response to austerity: Individual-level evidence

While working with aggregate data is appealing, it also comes with some caveats, as the estimated effects could be masking a host of other mechanisms. However, the political effects of austerity are also detectable when turning to individual-level data from the Understanding Society Study and the British Household Panel Study. In particular, individuals who were exposed to welfare reforms increasingly shifted to UKIP once they had experienced the benefit cut. Further, dissatisfaction with political institutions as a whole increased – they were more likely to perceive "that public officials do not care", that they are "not having a say in what the government does" and that their vote is "unlikely to make a difference". Each of these factors in turn, are tightly linked to Leave sentiment. These can be studied since the most recent USOC survey wave also includes the EU referendum question.

One example of a reform I study in the paper is the 'bedroom tax' – officially termed the under-occupancy penalty. This reform implied reductions to housing benefits for households living in social housing that are judged to live in accommodation that is too large relative to their needs if they have a 'spare' bedroom. The results suggest that households exposed to the bedroom tax increasingly shifted towards supporting UKIP, experienced economic grievances as they fell behind with their rent payments due to the cut to housing benefits, or, in some cases, avoided the benefit cut by moving to less spacious housing.

Broader context

By curtailing the welfare state, austerity has likely activated a broad range of existing economic grievances that developed over a long time. It is not only the UK where economic distress has been linked to increasing support for right-wing political platforms (e.g. Arzheimer 2009, Dehdari 2018). Identifying and quantifying the relative contributions of the factors behind the underlying economic grievances, especially among the low-skilled, is an active field of research. 

For example, Colantone and Stanig (2018) suggest that, by intensifying competition, trade integration with low-income countries has hurt manufacturing goods-producing areas in the UK, which is why voters in these areas were more likely to vote Leave. Similar evidence linking economic hardship due to trade-integration to populist or extreme voting has been documented in the context of the US (Autor et al. 2016) and Germany (Dippel et al. 2017). 

Similarly, evidence is accumulating that some forms of immigration do have small, but detectable, effects on labour markets by curtailing wage growth at the bottom end of the wage distribution (for evidence from the UK, see Becker and Fetzer 2018 and Dustmann et al. 2013; for the US see Ottaviano and Peri 2006). 

Similarly, there is some evidence suggesting that automation, by reducing demand for low-skilled workers, can also suppress wage growth among the low-skilled (Graetz and Michaels 2018). In the historical context, this type of (manual) labour-saving technological progress has been linked to political unrest (Caprettini and Voth 2017). The rise of the gig economy, zero-hours contracts, and so on may also push people to become reliant on the welfare state to top up their salaries. Each of these factors is likely to exacerbate the economic cleavages between the well-educated and those with low human capital – a phenomena which has been referred to as the 'growing skill bias' in labour markets (Acemoglu 1998, Autor et al. 2003).

The natural implication is well-known to economists – trade integration, or globalisation more broadly, and the welfare state are complements. In order to maintain continued public support for globalisation, for example, policy needs to deliver solutions for the losers from globalisation. This could take the form of continued investment in education and training, and designing a welfare system that can help individuals transition into new jobs.   

References

Arzheimer, K (2009), "Contextual Factors and the Extreme Right Vote in Western Europe, 1980–2002", American Journal of Political Science 53(2).

Autor, D H, F Levy and R J Murnane (2003), "The Skill Content of Recent Technological Change: An Empirical Exploration", The Quarterly Journal of Economics 118(4): 1279–1333.

Autor, D H, D Dorn, G Hanson and K Majlesi (2016), "Importing Political Polarization? The Electoral Consequences of Rising Trade Exposure", NBER Working Paper No. 22637.

Beatty, C and S Fothergill (2013), "Hitting the poorest places hardest: The local and regional impact of welfare reform", Centre for Regional Economic and Social Research, Sheffield Hallam University.

Becker, S O and T Fetzer (2018), "Has Eastern European Migration Impacted UK-born Workers?", Cage Working Paper No. 376.

Becker, S O, T Fetzer and D Novy (2016), "The fundamental factors behind the Brexit vote", VoxEU.org, 31 October.

Caprettini, B and J Voth (2017), "Rage against the machines: Labor-saving technology and unrest in England, 1830-32", CEPR Discussion Paper 11800.

Colantone, I and P Stanig (2018), "Global Competition and Brexit"American Political Science Review 112(2): 201-218.

Dehdari, S H (2018), "Economic Distress and Support for Far-Right Parties - Evidence from Sweden".

Dippel, C, R Gold, S Heblich and R Pinto (2017), "A new approach to identifying causal mechanisms: With an application to the effect of trade on labour markets and politics", VoxEU.org, 12 April.

Dustmann, C, T Frattini and I P Preston (2013), "The Effect of Immigration along the Distribution of Wages", The Review of Economic Studies 80(1): 145–173.

Fetzer, T (2018), "Did austerity cause Brexit?", CAGE Working Paper 381.

Graetz, G and G Michaels (2018), "Robots at Work".

Innes, D and G Tetlow (2015), "Delivering Fiscal Squeeze by Cutting Local Government Spending", Fiscal Studies 36(3): 303–325

Miles, D (2016), "Brexit realism: What economists know about costs and voter motives", VoxEU.org, 3 August.

O'Rourke, K (2016), "Brexit: This backlash has been a long time coming", VoxEU.org, 7 August.

Ottaviano, G I P and G Peri (2006), "Rethinking the Effects of Immigration on Wages", NBER Working Paper No. 12497.

Tomlinson, J (2017), "Brexit, globalisation, and de-industrialisation", VoxEU.org, 21 April.


--
John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV
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Krugman: Why Does Trump Want to Debase the Fed? [feedly]

Why Does Trump Want to Debase the Fed?
https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/08/opinion/fed-herman-cain-stephen-moore.html

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Why Does Trump Want to Debase the Fed?

The tax cut fizzled; send in the clowns!

Paul Krugman

As far as I know, the Federal Reserve — the world's most important economic policy institution — doesn't have an anthem. But if it were to adopt one now, the choice would be obvious: "Send In the Clowns."

You see, the Fed's governing board currently has two vacancies, and Donald Trump has proposed filling those vacancies with ludicrous hacks. If he succeeds, one of our few remaining havens of serious, nonpartisan policymaking will be on its way toward becoming as corrupt and dysfunctional as the rest of the Trump administration.

Stephen Moore and Herman Cain are, of course, completely unqualified — I say "of course" because their lack of qualifications is, paradoxically, a key qualification not just for Trump but for the G.O.P. in general.

There are plenty of genuine monetary experts with conservative political leanings, some of them quite partisan. But modern Republicans have shown consistent disdain for such experts, perhaps because of a sense that anyone with real expertise or an independent reputation might occasionally be tempted to take a stand on principle.

There's no risk that either Moore or Cain will ever take such a stand. In fact, what seems to have recommended both men to Trump was their evident willingness to completely reverse their policy views when politically expedient.

Both were hard-money men during the Obama years, demanding higher interest rates despite very high unemployment. Both have now taken to berating the Fed for failing to print more money in the face of low unemployment — because that's what Trump wants.

That said, there's a difference between the two men.

I wrote about Moore a couple of weeks ago, noting that he has long been a prominent fixture in the conservative movement; he is, basically, a classic right-wing hack who tries (incompetently) to impersonate an economic expert. Cain, on the other hand, is a spam king whose business model involves making his email list available to direct marketers.

Put it this way: In recent years Moore has been out there predicting magical results from tax cuts, putting out fake economic numbers, and giving speeches to FreedomFest. At the same time, Cain has been offering a platform for peddlers of get-rich schemes and cures for erectile dysfunction. So it says something about what Trump wants that he apparently sees the two men as equally valuable allies.

What does Trump want? His attempted beclowning of the Fed follows, I'd argue, from the fact that his one major legislative success, the 2017 tax cut — which he predicted would be "rocket fuel" for the economy — has turned out to be a big fizzle, economically and, especially, politically.


It's true that U.S. economic growth got a bump for two quarters last year, and Trumpists are still pretending to believe that we'll have great growth for a decade. But at this point last year's growth is looking like a brief and rapidly fading sugar high.

Meanwhile, the tax cut remains unpopular, partly because few people perceived personal benefits, partly because voters appear to be less concerned about paying too much than with the sense that the rich — the prime beneficiaries of the Trump cut — are paying too little.

Some leaders might see such disappointments as reasons to make a course correction. But this is Trump: When the going gets tough, he blames someone else. Everything would have been great, he insists, if the Fed hadn't thwarted his plans.

There's a good argument to be made that the Fed misjudged the economy's strength, that it raised interest rates too fast and that the economy would be doing somewhat better if it hadn't. In fact, it's an argument I agree with.

But that's not what Trump is saying. He wants the Fed to act as if we were still in a deep depression; he wants it both to cut rates and to resume the emergency policies it pursued — and he denounced — when we had more than twice as much unemployment as we do today. This would, he insists, turn the economy into the "rocket ship" he originally promised.

You don't have to be a gold bug or even an inflation hawk to see these demands as deeply irresponsible. Indeed, they sound a lot like the "macroeconomic populism" that has repeatedly led to economic disaster in Latin America, with Venezuela the latest example.

Running the printing presses to fight a depression, as the Fed did after the financial crisis, is prudent and sensible; running them because you refuse to accept the reality that your policies aren't delivering an economic miracle is different, and always ends badly.

Proposals to Couple Medicaid Expansion With Work Requirements: Frequently Asked Questions [feedly]

Proposals to Couple Medicaid Expansion With Work Requirements: Frequently Asked Questions
https://www.cbpp.org/research/health/proposals-to-couple-medicaid-expansion-with-work-requirements-frequently-asked

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Monday, April 8, 2019

Triple Crisis: New Pan-Agency Development Financing Report Suggests Major Economic Crisis Brewing [feedly]

New Pan-Agency Development Financing Report Suggests Major Economic Crisis Brewing
http://triplecrisis.com/new-pan-agency-development-financing-report-suggests-major-economic-crisis-brewing/

By Jesse Griffiths

Cross-posted at ODI.

The 2019 Financing for Sustainable Development report from the Inter-Agency Task Force (IATF) on Financing for Development was launched today.

For those – like me – who worry that the world is sleepwalking into another crisis, it's not reassuring. It confirms that global debt is at record levels and 'financial fragilities' have built up across the globe. It's also disappointingly light on solutions that could reverse these trends.

What is the IATF report?

The IATF is a group of fifty major international institutions that work on finance issues, including various United Nations bodies, the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organization.

This report is its annual stocktake on progress towards meeting commitments to finance the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It's an impressive undertaking, covering all major financing sources, with a mandate to look at the global financial and economic system as a whole.

Three things stood out to me:

1. Debt risks continue to grow

First, both public and private debt continue to grow in all country categories. As the graph shows, emerging economies should be particularly worried about corporate debt, which is close to 100% of GDP. This high level of debt makes these economies highly vulnerable – changes in the internal or external environment could trigger bankruptcies that could lead to a full-blown financial crisis.

Meanwhile, more than a decade after the global crisis, developed countries continue to have record levels of government debt. Clearly public finances in this group would be badly placed to weather any future crisis.

2. The financial sector is on shaky ground

Second, global financial sector risks are very worrying. The graph shows how the financial sector has 'deepened' – grown relative to the size of the economy – in all categories of countries since the turn of century.

This can be a good thing for developing countries, but it depends on the way that the financial sector has developed. The report highlights that developing countries' financial sectors have internationalised, with international banks now making up 40% of their banking sector – a share which has doubled since mid-1990s.

This can bring advantages, but it also makes them more vulnerable to the international financial system, where risks have continued to grow despite reforms taken after the global crash. For example, the report notes that 'th­e global stock of high yield bonds and leveraged loans has doubled in size since the global financial crisis, driven by low borrowing costs, high risk appetite, and looser lending standards.'

Reports like this are prone to understatement. One conclusion it draws is that 'In the current uncertain environment, financial markets are highly susceptible to a sudden shift in investors' perception of market risk, which could result in a sharp and disorderly tightening of global financial conditions.'

In other words, it wouldn't take much to precipitate a crash. Add to this the fact that three quarters of countries are found not to have a financial sector strategy, and it's beginning to look like a warning cry.

3. Solutions are lacking

Third, as might be expected from a report that is essentially a compromise between the differing perspectives of a wide range of institutions, recommendations on what to do to prevent another major crisis hitting the global economy are thin on the ground.

One key area I've highlighted before is what to do about the increasing risk of a widespread public or 'sovereign' debt crisis.

The report devotes a chapter to debt, and does mention some potential solutions. It has a section on the idea of making debt contracts dependent upon the ability of the debtor government to pay – known in the trade as 'state contingent debt instruments.' The idea of reducing the repayment burden when, for example, states face recessions or natural catastrophes is a good one, as a recent ODI report explores.

However, on the central issue of how to rapidly and fairly resolve debt crises that do occur – to prevent the lost years (and often decades) that can result – the report is spectacularly unambitious, saying only that it might be time to revisit this issue.

Perhaps I am expecting too much of a report produced by major international bureaucracies: the internal wrangling over each issue is likely to stymie creative, solution-oriented thinking.

The time is therefore ripe for others to pick up this baton and produce the companion set of solutions to help prevent or resolve the problems highlighted by the report, and ensure that the world can meet the ambition of the SDGs without suffering another major crisis.

Jesse Griffiths is Head of Programme at ODI and a specialist in development finance and the international development finance architecture. He has done work for a range of national governments, international organisations, non–governmental organisations and think–tanks, and has published widely on these topics.

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NYTimes.com: Donald Trump Is Trying to Kill You

From The New York Times:

Donald Trump Is Trying to Kill You

Trust the pork producers; fear the wind turbines.

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/04/opinion/trump-deadly-deregulation.html

There's a lot we don't know about the legacy Donald Trump will leave behind. And it is, of course, hugely important what happens in the 2020 election. But one thing seems sure: Even if he's a one-term president, Trump will have caused, directly or indirectly, the premature deaths of a large number of Americans.

Some of those deaths will come at the hands of right-wing, white nationalist extremists, who are a rapidly growing threat, partly because they feel empowered by a president who calls them "very fine people."

Some will come from failures of governance, like the inadequate response to Hurricane Maria, which surely contributed to the high death toll in Puerto Rico. (Reminder: Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens.)

Some will come from the administration's continuing efforts to sabotage Obamacare, which have failed to kill health reform but have stalled the decline in the number of uninsured, meaning that many people still aren't getting the health care they need. Of course, if Trump gets his way and eliminates Obamacare altogether, things on this front will get much, much worse.

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But the biggest death toll is likely to come from Trump's agenda of deregulation — or maybe we should call it "deregulation," because his administration is curiously selective about which industries it wants to leave alone.

Consider two recent events that help capture the deadly strangeness of what's going on.

One is the administration's plan for hog plants to take over much of the federal responsibility for food safety inspections. And why not? It's not as if we've seen safety problems arise from self-regulation in, say, the aircraft industry, have we? Or as if we ever experience major outbreaks of food-borneillness? Or as if there was a reason the U.S. government stepped in to regulate meatpacking in the first place?

Now, you could see the Trump administration's willingness to trust the meat industry to keep our meat safe as part of an overall attack on government regulation, a willingness to trust profit-making businesses to do the right thing and let the market rule. And there's something to that, but it's not the whole story, as illustrated by another event: Trump's declaration the other day that wind turbines cause cancer.

Now, you could put this down to personal derangement: Trump has had an irrational hatred for wind power ever since he failed to prevent construction of a wind farm near his Scottish golf course. And Trump seems deranged and irrational on so many issues that one more bizarre claim hardly seems to matter.

But there's more to this than just another Trumpism. After all, we normally think of Republicans in general, and Trump in particular, as people who minimize or deny the "negative externalities" imposed by some business activities — the uncompensated costs they impose on other people or businesses.


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For example, the Trump administration wants to roll back rules that limit emissions of mercury from power plants. And in pursuit of that goal, it wants to prevent the Environmental Protection Agency from taking account of many of the benefits from reduced mercury emissions, such as an associated reduction in nitrogen oxide.

But when it comes to renewable energy, Trump and company are suddenly very worried about supposed negative side effects, which generally exist only in their imagination. Last year the administration floated a proposal that would have forced the operators of electricity grids to subsidize coal and nuclear energy. The supposed rationale was that new sources were threatening to destabilize those grids — but the grid operators themselves denied that this was the case.

So it's deregulation for some, but dire warnings about imaginary threats for others. What's going on?

Part of the answer is, follow the money. Political contributions from the meat-processing industry overwhelmingly favorRepublicans. Coal mining supports the G.O.P. almost exclusively. Alternative energy, on the other hand, generally favors Democrats.

There are probably other things, too. If you're a party that wishes we could go back to the 1950s (but without the 91 percent top tax rate), you're going to have a hard time accepting the reality that hippie-dippy, unmanly things like wind and solar power are becoming ever more cost-competitive.

Whatever the drivers of Trump policy, the fact, as I said, is that it will kill people. Wind turbines don't cause cancer, but coal-burning power plants do — along with many other ailments. The Trump administration's own estimates indicate that its relaxation of coal pollution rules will kill more than 1,000 Americans every year. If the administration gets to implement its full agenda — not just deregulation of many industries, but discrimination against industries it doesn't like, such as renewable energy — the toll will be much higher.

So if you eat meat — or, for that matter, drink water or breathe air — there's a real sense in which Donald Trump is trying to kill you. And even if he's turned out of office next year, for many Americans it will be too late.