Tuesday, December 18, 2018

President Xi warns ‘no one will dictate to Chinese people’ [feedly]

 Please see attached the full remarks of Xi Xingping. Also linked here. Also included, this article from Asia Times, who's headline is "We will not be bullied", the strong and growing Chinese patriotism/nationalism (I understand nearly EVERYONE in China is now buying only Huawei phones), including military buildup.

I will not attempt to summarize. But this is indeed a serious guy. Certainly, he seems weighty by comparison to Thumper.
Plus, there has been a distinct break, or perhaps specialization, within Chinese Socialism/Communist ideology from some previous iterations, both in China, and
other countries. The new phase is emergent and developing, but evidence based SCIENCE, -- real, not just 'dogmatic science' -- in virtually every field from 
law to physics, is the strongest theme. The Chinese "characteristics" as a developing nation make much of the Chinese experience 
and its historic path not very relevant to the US. But as China rises a billion people toward their goal of an across the board "moderately prosperous nation",
global convergences are going to increase the links both cultural and economic -- and political -- between our countries will
cause us all to pay attention.
  

Asia Times article:
President Xi warns 'no one will dictate to Chinese people'


 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Mark Thoma Links (12/17/18) [feedly]

Links (12/17/18)
https://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2018/12/couple-of-links-demography-unemployment-and-automation-voxeu-market-power-or-just-scale-economies-promarket-n.html

Couple of links:


 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Monday, December 17, 2018

The Global Working Class Fights Back [feedly]

The Global Working Class Fights Back
https://workingclassstudies.wordpress.com/2018/12/17/the-global-working-class-fights-back/

2018 has seen many working-class people around the world standing up for their rights and pushing back against injustice and inequality. Some of these fights have made the mainstream news in western countries, but many have not. As we reflect on the year that is ending, let's not forget the struggles of working-class people and the successes of collective action and solidarity. Around the world, people have had enough of corporate greed and government inaction to combat inequality.

The spectacular scenes of protests and police responses on the streets of Paris were broadcast around the world. Crowds of people dressed in hi-vis vests (gilet jaunes) rallying against the French government have sparked much interest. The left have celebrated the gilets jaunes as a working-class movement – people fed up with austerity and regressive taxes, taking to the streets to demand better treatment and equality from the centrist government (although it should be acknowledged that there has been some coopting of the movement by the far right). In Australia in October, the streets were also awash with hi-vis, worn mostly by construction workers who put tools down to join rallies and marches in the city centers as part of a union-led campaign to 'change the rules' and allow workers more rights to organize and strike.

Australia has also seen a number of more localized strikes and organization of workers throughout the year, including the notable formation of the First Nations Workers Alliance (FNWA), set up to fight against the unjust Community Development Program — a 'work for the dole' scheme targeting Indigenous people in remote communities. Under the scheme, Indigenous people are expected to work for no pay and are penalized if they refuse to do so. They are not covered by occupational health and safety laws and do not receive other work entitlements. The FNWA has been campaigning around the country, creating solidarity with non-Indigenous workers and unions and empowering workers with information about their rights.

Australia's neighbor, New Zealand, has experienced industrial action this year by public servants, nurses, fast food workers, bus drivers, and cinema workers. For some worker groups, such as the nurses, the strikes are the first to happen in decades.

In the Asia Pacific region workers at South Korean tech giant Oracle have been strikingsince May over unfair conditions, rates of pay, and rights to unionize. Across China, workers have challenged the state and risked arrest and imprisonment for organizing in workplaces and going on strike. Factory workers (many of whom are migrant workers from rural areas) are demanding an end to unsafe working conditions and forced overtime. Even in Japan, where strikes are very rare, in one town during a dispute over insecure work, bus drivers engaged in industrial action by refusing to collect fares from passengers. A Philippines branch of business processing outsourcing company Alorica was notified of strike action in September due to the company's attempts to strip rights from the workers' union. This will be the first strike of call center employees in the Philippines.

South Asia has also seen a series of strikes this year. Tea plantation workers in eastern India staged a strike in August over pay, and in October, Indian Uber and Ola drivers struck to demand higher fares to meet their cost of living. Pakistani port workers have fought back against unfair dismissals and low wages, and postal worker unions in Pakistan have been protesting employers' stripping of health benefits.

Various African countries have also seen industrial action in 2018. Nurses in Kenya have threatened to walk off the job if negotiations over pay are not successful, and teachers in Kenya recently called off a planned strike to allow for talks with employers. Members of both private and public sector unions in Nigeria called a national strike in September in their quest for a livable minimum wage. The South African National Union of Mineworkers advised workers at the South Deep gold mine to take industrial action after announcements of mass job losses. The right to strike is entrenched in South Africa's constitution, but recent amendments to labor laws there will make it more difficult to take strike action. A new national minimum wage has been criticizedby the South Africa Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) as too low – and likely to be used by employers as a maximum wage. South African workers took to the streets in April to demand a higher minimum, and SAFTU has pledged to maintain the pressureon the government with more protests in 2019.

Workers in Middle Eastern countries have also been downing tools. In the United Arab Emirates, where strikes are technically illegal, construction workers in Abu Dhabi refused to work until they were paid wages owed. In Iran, steel workers striking over unpaid wages and other issues have faced arrest, and Iranian truck drivers, farmers and railway workers have also staged action in 2018.

Employees in Europe have been fighting against Amazon – choosing the busiest days of the year to stage strikes and speaking out publicly against unsafe working conditions in Amazon factories. Greek workers have been protesting against government plans to restrict industrial action, and German railway workers have been engaged in a nationalstrike over pay. In the UK, cleaners at the London School of Economics finally won their fight to become in-house staff, vastly improving their pay and conditions. This was the result of a ten-month strike led by some of the most marginalized workers in the country. Their union, United Voices of the World, has also run successful unfair dismissal campaigns against retailer Top Shop and a London recycling plant. They also scored a win for cleaners working for a London council in their fight to receive the London Living Wage.

There are many, many inspiring stories of successes and of continuing struggles. Campaigns have been varied as workers have fought for decent pay and conditions, as well as job security, the right to unionize, work safety, and to not be harassed at work (as in McDonald's worker walk outs in the US). Working-class people are taking action to improve their own lives and to challenge structures that maintain inequality and injustice, and hearing about the actions and success of others helps build workers movements. Stories from around the world show there is still power in unions and collective action. They also highlight the need for global solidarity.

In this season, let's not forget the many around the world whose work continues throughout the holidays, and let us keep organizing, representing, supporting, and celebrating working-class lives in 2019. Solidarity forever!

Sarah Attfield


 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Politicians have caused a pay ‘collapse’ for the bottom 90 percent of workers, researchers say [feedly]

Politicians have caused a pay 'collapse' for the bottom 90 percent of workers, researchers say
https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2018/12/17/politicians-have-deliberately-eroded-workers-power-resulting-collapse-pay-bottom-percent-researchers-say/
Wage stagnation is not the result of inevitable market forces, but rather decisions to undermine worker power, according to a new paper.

 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Politics in America: Politicians at State and Federal Levels Consistently Overestimate Popular Support for Conservative Positions [feedly]

Politics in America: Politicians at State and Federal Levels Consistently Overestimate Popular Support for Conservative Positions
https://economicfront.wordpress.com/2018/12/16/politics-in-america-politicians-at-state-and-federal-levels-consistently-overestimate-popular-support-for-conservative-positions/

US elected leaders, and those that work for them, think their constituents are far more conservative than they are. The good news is that this means there is far more support for a progressive political agenda than one might think.  The bad news is that without sustained popular activism it is doubtful that elected leaders will change their policies accordingly.

The misinformed views of those running for state office

In August 2012, David E. Broockman and Christopher Skovron, surveyed candidates running for state legislative offices across the US.  They asked them their own positions and to estimate their constituents' positions on same-sex marriage and universal health care.  Then, they compared candidate estimates with their constituents' responses to questions on those issues that were included in a large national survey.

They found that "politicians consistently and substantially overestimated support for conservative positions among their constituents on these issues."  More specifically:

The differences we discover in this regard are exceptionally large among conservative politicians: across both issues we examine, conservative politicians appear to overestimate support for conservative policy views among their constituents by over 20 percentage points on average. In fact, on each of the issues we examine, over 90% of politicians with conservative views appear to overestimate their constituents' support for conservative policies. . . . Comparable figures for liberal politicians also show a slight conservative bias: in fact, about 70% of liberal officeholders typically underestimate support for liberal positions on these issues among their constituents.

The figure below illustrates their results.  Each scatter point represents a different district and shows the candidate estimate of district support for the issue in question and the actual surveyed district support for that issue.  Districts where the candidate accurately estimated the district position would be positioned along the linear grey line.  As we can see, both the blue line representing liberal politicans and the red line representing conservative ones lie beneath the grey line, showing that district residents are far more favorable to both these two issues then either liberal or conservative politicians think.

Perhaps not surprisingly, when Broockman and Skovron resurveyed the politicians in November, they found that "politicians' perceptions of public opinion after the campaign and the election itself look identical to their perceptions prior to these events, with little evidence that their misperceptions had been corrected."

They did another survey in 2014 of the views and perceptions of state legislative candidates and office holders, this time asking about more issues, including ones dealing with gay and lesbian marriage, gun control, the right to abortion, and the legalization of illegal immigrants.  Once again they found that:

politicians from both parties believed that support for conservative positions on these issues in their constituencies was much higher than it actually was. These misperceptions are large, pervasive, and robust: Politicians' right-skewed misperceptions exceed 20 percentage points on issues such as gun control—where these misperceptions are the largest—and persist in states at every level of legislative professionalism, among both candidates and sitting officeholders, among politicians in very competitive districts, and when we compare politicians' perceptions to voters' opinions only. That Democratic politicians also overestimate constituency conservatism suggests these misperceptions cannot be attributed to motivated reasoning or social desirability bias alone.

It's no better at the federal level

Alexander Hertel-Fernandez, Matto Mildenberger and Leah C. Stokes did a similar study on the federal level. In 2016 they surveyed the top legislative staffers of every House and Senate member, asking them to estimate their constituents' support for repealing Obamacare, regulating carbon dioxide, making a $305 billion investment in infrastructure, mandating universal background checks for firearm purchases, and raising the federal minimum wage to $12 an hour.  Then, they compared their estimates to district or state-level survey results.

They summarized their findings in a New York Times op-ed as follows:

if we took a group of people who reflected the makeup of America and asked them whether they supported background checks for gun sales, nine out of 10 would say yes. But congressional aides guessed as few as one in 10 citizens in their district or state favored the policy. Shockingly, 92 percent of the staff members we surveyed underestimated support in their district or state for background checks, including all Republican aides and over 85 percent of Democratic aides.

The same is true for the four other issues we looked at . . . . On climate change, the average aide thought only a minority of his or her district wanted action, when in truth a majority supported regulating carbon.

Across the five issues, Democratic staff members tended to be more accurate than Republicans. Democrats guessed about 13 points closer to the truth on average than Republicans.

Below is a visual summary of their results.

The authors also found corporate lobbying to be an important cause of this misrepresentation of public opinion. As Hertel-Fernandez, Mildenberger, and Stokes explain:

Aides who reported meeting with groups representing big business — like the United States Chamber of Commerce or the American Petroleum Institute — were more likely to get their constituents' opinions wrong compared with staffers who reported meeting with mass membership groups that represented ordinary Americans, like the Sierra Club or labor unions. The same pattern holds for campaign contributions: The more that offices get support from fossil fuel companies over environmental groups, the more they underestimate state- or district-level support for climate action.

And it appears that corporate influence may have more to do with campaign contributions than the quality of corporate arguments.  As Eric Levitz, discussing the work in the Intelligencerpoints out, "The study . . . found that '45 percent of senior legislative staffers report having changed their opinion about legislation after a group gave their Member a campaign contribution' — and that 62 percent of staffers believe that 'correspondence from businesses' are 'more representative of their constituents' preferences than correspondence from ordinary constituents.'"

None of this means that we should abandon electoral work.  But it does make clear that simply working to elect "good" people, and hoping for the best, will only continue the country's rightwing drift.  There are real forces at work encouraging elected leaders to create their own realities favorable to rightwing positions, including the willingness of conservatives to aggressively and regularly communicate their views to their representatives and, no doubt more importantly, corporate lobbying backed by financial contributions and a careful monitoring of votes.

We can overcome these forces, but only if we build strong popular movements that are able to organize and mobilize people to fight for the things we want, thereby shifting the terms of political debate and the consciousness of politicians in the process.  And, back to the good news: the studies above show that popular sentiment is far more receptive to progressive change than we might think from recent election outcomes and government policy.


 -- via my feedly newsfeed

The Great American Tax Heist Turns One [feedly]

The Great American Tax Heist Turns One
https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/conservative-economists-tax-cut-forecasts-by-j--bradford-delong-2018-12

The Great American Tax Heist Turns One

Dec 14, 2018 

Last December, Republicans relied on the support of conservative economists who predicted that the party's corporate tax cuts would boost productivity and investment in the United States substantially. The forecasts were wrong, and the silence of those who made them suggests that they knew it all along.

BERKELEY – It has now been one year since US President Donald Trump and his fellow Republicans rammed their massive corporate tax cut through Congress. At the time, critics of the "Tax Cuts and Jobs Act" described it as a cynical handout for wealthy shareholders. But a substantial number of economists came out in support of it.


For example, one prominent group, most of whom served in previous Republican administrations, predicted in The Wall Street Journal that the tax cuts would boost long-run GDP by 3-4%, with an "associated increase" of about 0.4% "in the annual rate of GDP growth" over the next decade. And in an open letterto Congress, a coterie of over 100 economists asserted that "the macroeconomic feedback generated by the [tax cuts]" would be "more than enough to compensate for the static revenue loss," implying that the bill would be deficit-neutral over time.

Likewise, in a commentary for Project Syndicate, Robert J. Barro of Harvard University argued that the tax cuts would increase long-run real (inflation-adjusted) per capita GDP by an improbable 7%. And Michael J. Boskin of the Hoover Institution endorsed his analysis in a follow-up commentary.

Finally, Kevin Hassett, Chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers, and Greg Mankiw of Harvard University claimed that the productivity gains stemming from the tax package would primarily boost wages, rather than profits, because foreign savers would pour investment into the US.

To be sure, these were primarily long-run predictions. But proponents of the bill nonetheless claimed that we would see enough additional investment to boost growth by 0.4% per year. That implies an annual GDP increase of roughly $800 billion, which would require annual investment to rise from 17.5% to about 21.5% of GDP. We cannot know how much the US economy would grow in the absence of the tax cuts. But, as the chart below shows, investment has not jumped to that level, nor does it show signs of doing so anytime soon.


This comes as no surprise. Back when all the aforementioned economists were issuing their sanguine predictions about the tax package's likely effects, neutral scorekeepers such as the Tax Policy Center were painting a more realistic picture. And unlike most proponents of the cuts, the Tax Policy Center's raison d'être is not to please donors or support a particular political party, but rather to make the best forecasts that it can.

The deep disagreement last year over the tax bill's potential effects anguished Binyamin Applebaum of The New York Times. "What does it mean to produce the signatures of 100 economists in favor of a given proposition when another 100 will sign their names to the opposite statement?" Applebaum asked on Twitter at the time. "How does Harvard, for example, justify granting tenure to people who purport to work in the same discipline and publicly condemn each other as charlatans? How are ordinary people, let alone members of Congress, supposed to figure out which tenured professors are the serious economists?"


We can now answer that last question. Scholarship is about the pursuit of truth. When scholars find that they have gotten something wrong, they ask themselves why, in order to improve their methodology and possibly get it less wrong in the future. The economists who predicted that tax cuts would spur a rapid increase in investment and sustained growth have now been proven wrong. If they were serious academics committed to their discipline, they would take this as a sign that they have something to learn. Sadly, they have not. They have remained silent, which suggests that they are not surprised to see investment fall far short of what they promised.

But why should they be surprised? After all, it would be specious to assume, as their models do, that investment can rapidly rise (or fall) as foreign investors flood into (or flee) the US. Individuals and firms do not suddenly ratchet up their savings just because the after-tax profit rate has increased. While a higher profit rate does make saving more profitable, it also increases the income from one's past savings, thus reducing the need to save. Generally speaking, the two balance out.

All of those who published op-eds and released studies supporting the corporate tax cuts last year knew (or should have known) this to begin with. That is why they have not bothered to investigate their flawed forecasts to determine what they may have missed. It is as if they knew all along that their predictions were wrong.1

For reporters still wondering which economists to listen to, the answer should now be clear. If there is one message to take from the past year, it is: "Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me."



What the !*?&%!@ is going on with the current economy?! [feedly]

What the !*?&%!@ is going on with the current economy?!
https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2018/12/06/what-is-going-with-current-economy/

Given the manic spikes and dives in the stock market, the near-inversion of the yield curve (I'll explain), the tanking of the price of oil, the Federal Reserve's rate hikes, chaotic leadership on trade policy (and everything else), and lots of buzz about the "r-word" (recession), it's a good time to evaluate the extent of risk factors in the current economy.

I'll briefly summarize what I view as the key points, but the bottom line is that for all the noise, the strong labor market and rising real wages will still power the expansion over the near term. Post-2019, however, once the current stimulus fades, growth is likely to slow, but precisely how much, no one knows.

The stock market is clearly on shpilkes (Yiddish for "pins and needles"), and it is seriously tarnishing whatever reputation it has left for a rational aggregator of forward-looking information. In theory, current stock prices should reflect expectations of future earnings of the companies in the indexes, but how could these values jump 1 percent on Monday and tank 3 percent — a huge sell-off — on Tuesday? They couldn't. Instead, they jumped when Trump tweeted out a truce in the trade war, and they tanked the next day when the Chinese essentially responded, "Yeah … that's not quite how it went down."  

Look, I get it. As long as some traders, along with their algorithms, react to every tweet that springs from our dear leader's thumbs, other traders/algos have to play along. But the fact is that there is very, very little information in anything Trump says, and we'd all be better off, in the sense of less whiplash, if we agreed on this point.

Until then, from the perspective of the larger economy, I don't see the recent spike in volatility as a big deal. Somewhere in the noise is a signal reflecting the likelihood that growth and corporate profitability and likely to slow later next year, and that matters. Go ahead and watch the roller coaster if you must, but if it makes you sick, don't say I didn't warn you.

The market was also spooked by the flattening of the yield curve, meaning the shrinking difference between long-term and short-term bond yields. Such movements are driven by the Fed raising short-term rates and investors, worried about the near-term economy, demanding more long-term bonds (thus driving down long yields). Since yield curve inversions — long yields below short yields — are reliable predictors of future recessions (on average, a bit more than a year later), its flattening is not something you can shrug off. 

But I think we're focusing on the wrong message from the curve. We tend to think of it in terms of "are we headed for recession or not?" If the curve inverts, that's bad; if not, we're cool. But what if growth slows yet doesn't cross zero? After all, falling from 3 to 1 percent GDP growth typically raises unemployment more than going from a little above to a little below zero.

The flat curve is thus sending the same message buried in the market noise: slower growth ahead.

Oil tanks: Though it's rallied a bit from its recent lows, the price of a barrel is down by about a third since early October, driven largely by a supply glut amid some weakening of global demand. Cheaper oil used to work like a stimulative tax cut in the United States. But now, according to the Wall Street Journal: "As the U.S. has risen to become the world's largest oil producer this year, a growing chunk of domestic investment, manufacturing output and employment has become tied to oil. Now, when oil prices fall, it risks hurting investment and hiring in important parts of the economy."  

That said, in the short run, real wages are closely tied to the price of oil, and I predict that if gas prices stay low or fall further, real hourly pay for middle-wage workers will grow from its current rate of about half a percent per year to 1.5 percent, a big jump that folks will feel in their paychecks. In other words, falling oil prices are a double-edge sword, with upsides and downsides.

The wage story links up with the biggest driver behind the current expansion: the job market. For the next few quarters, we can very likely count on strong job creation, low unemployment and the fortuitous collision between rising nominal wages and slower inflation (due to cheaper oil) to power consumer spending, which is 70 percent of the U.S. economy.

The other edge of the oil sword may ding the business investment side of the economy — the interest-rate-sensitive housing sector is another negative in this investment mix — so we're into a bit of a tailwind/headwind dynamic.    

The Fed: The Fed watches the stock market, but its client is the real economy — growth, jobs, wages, inflation, all of which look good to it right now (oil's real too, but it's a global commodity, outside the reach of a central bank). The most interesting and important variable in that mix is inflation, which has been far less responsive to labor market tightening than the Fed expected. Since price growth is so "well-anchored," the Fed could — I'd guess, would — pause its rate-hiking campaign if any of these headwinds start to look particularly threatening. But for now, it will keep tapping the brakes with rate hikes, no matter much shade the president throws at it.

Which brings us to Trump. He inherited a growing economy, and he temporarily juiced that growth with a lot of deficit spending. But the juice tapers out toward the end of next year, and his misguided trade war isn't helping (if anything, in tandem with tax cuts, it's leading to larger trade deficits). Both of those problems are behind a lot of nervousness that characterize this moment. More deficit spending is, of course, a possibility, but I guarantee you the new House majority will be in no mood for more Republican tax cuts.

So: tune out the market volatility, keep on eye not just on recession probabilities but on slowing growth, watch oil and its impact on real wages (+) and investment (-), and for Keynes's sake, don't listen to Trump!


 -- via my feedly newsfeed