Eugene Robinson: White supremacy ready to roar

White supremacism is ready to roar

By Eugene Robinson Opinion writer March 13 at 7:58 PM

White supremacism was never banished from American political thought, just shoved to the fringe and hushed to a whisper. Now, in the Age of Trump, it's back in the mainstream and ready to roar.

Witness the words of Rep. Steve King (R-Iowa) on the subject of immigration: "Culture and demographics are our destiny. We can't restore our civilization with somebody else's babies." King offered these sentiments Sunday in a tweet expressing solidarity with Geert Wilders, an openly racist and Islamophobic Dutch politician who has a chance of becoming prime minister in elections this week. Wilders is someone who "understands," King wrote.

And we understand just what King meant. Former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke certainly got the message, using his vile Twitter account to proclaim, "GOD BLESS STEVE KING!!!"

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Just so there's no confusion, King went on CNN Monday to say that "I meant exactly what I said." He added: "I've been to Europe and I've spoken on this issue and I've said the same thing as far as 10 years ago to the German people and any population of people that is a declining population that isn't willing to have enough babies to reproduce themselves. I've said to them, 'You can't rebuild your civilization with somebody else's babies. You've got to keep your birthrate up and you need to teach your children your values."

Why am I hearing faint strains of "Deutschland über alles"? And why am I not hearing a loud chorus of condemnation from King's Republican colleagues?

King told CNN that he is merely "a champion for Western civilization," which he called "a superior civilization." Which means, of course, that he considers other civilizations inferior. But we knew that.

After all, King has a history of inflammatory immigrant-bashing. In 2013, he said that for every undocumented immigrant who becomes a valedictorian, "there's another hundred out there that — they weigh 130 pounds, and they've got calves the size of cantaloupes because they're hauling 75 pounds of marijuana across the desert."

And as for race, a guy from Iowa who keeps a Confederate battle flag on his desk is definitely sending some kind of message. He tried unsuccessfully to block the federal government's plans to remove Andrew Jackson's image from the $20 bill and replace it with that of Harriet Tubman. King says he is proud that some of his ancestors were abolitionists. One wonders whether he knows what the word means.

We should pay attention to his lexicon, however, because today's white supremacism tends to shy away from overtly racial terminology. Listen instead for words such as "culture" and "civilization."

The idea is that the United States is the land of the free and the home of the brave because its "civilization" is "European" or "Western" — euphemisms, basically, for "white." According to this view, immigrants have been assets to the country only to the extent that they have fully assimilated into the dominant culture. And while previous waves of immigrants may have become part of the fabric of our society, recent Latino immigrants are not blending in. And as for Muslims, well, forget about it; the Constitution may forbid the establishment of any official religion, but our civilization is resolutely Christian. African Americans are okay so long as they accept the foregoing as true — and do not assert any sort of distinct African American identity.

I think that's a fair reading of modern white-supremacist doctrine. Of course, it's a bunch of racist, ahistorical claptrap.

Immigrants — both voluntary and involuntary — have shaped this nation since long before its founding. The first Africans were brought here in bondage in 1619, one year before the Mayflower. Americans have never been a single ethnicity, speaking a single language, bound by the centuries to a single patch of land. We have always been diverse, polyglot and restless, and our greatness has come from our openness to new people and new ideas.

King's distress about birthrates can be read only as modern-day eugenics. If he is worried about the coming day when there is no white majority in the United States, he has remarkably little faith in our remarkable society — or in the Constitution that he, as a member of Congress, is sworn to support and defend.

President Trump played footsie with the white supremacist movement during his campaign. His chief strategist, Stephen K. Bannon, waged civilizational war when he ran the Breitbart News site. Trump could definitively denounce King's racism with a statement or a tweet, but so far his silence is deafening.

--

John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV

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Obamacare revision would reduce insured numbers by 24 million, CBO projects

Moderator: As Director of the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), Keith Hall has earned a Medal of Freedom from the future triumphant anti-fascist government of the United States. At a critical time when the lives of millions are trashed to fatten some of the fattest sows in history, Director Hall told the truth of this crime to the fascist powers, making himself a target of the Chief Thug. He took an oath as a federal employee to uphold the constitution of the United States. Today he filled that duty with devotion and honor.

Obamacare revision would reduce insured numbers by 24 million, CBO projects

By Elise Viebeck, Amy Goldstein, Kelsey Snell and Mike DeBonis

House Speaker Paul D. Ryan's proposal to revise the Affordable Care Act would lower the number of Americans with health insurance by 24 million while reducing the federal deficit by $337 billion by 2026, congressional budget analysts said Monday.

According to a Congressional Budget Office projection, 14 million fewer people would have health insurance next year alone. Premiums would be 15 percent to 20 percent higher in the first year compared with the Affordable Care Act and 10 percent lower on average after 2026. By and large, older Americans would pay "substantially" more and younger Americans less, the report said.

The report from the Congressional Budget Office fueled concerns that the GOP health-care plan would prompt a dramatic loss in health-insurance coverage, potentially contradicting President Trump's vow that health-care reform would provide "insurance for everybody" and threatening support from moderate Republican lawmakers.

Yet it also boosted House leaders' efforts to persuade skeptical conservatives, who felt that the measure did not go far enough in repealing the Affordable Care Act, to support what the CBO now predicts will be deficit-reducing legislation.

The analysis immediately prompted a clash of reactions between the White House and Republican leaders. Trump's budget director, Mick Mulvaney, said the report is "just absurd," and Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price said: "We disagree strenuously" with it.

Ryan defended the report, saying that it proves that the proposal will "dramatically" reduce the deficit and usher in "the most fundamental entitlement reform in a generation."

"Our plan is not about forcing people to buy expensive, one-size-fits-all coverage," he said. "It is about giving people more choices and better access to a plan they want and can afford. When people have more choices, costs go down. That's what this report shows."

The release of the CBO's report marks the beginning of a new phase in the debate over the week-old health-care bill, which is moving through the House on an accelerated timetable despite opposition from Republicans, Democrats and virtually every sector of the U.S. health-care industry. Conservative Republicans, in particular, have demanded changes to the measure in exchange for their support.

[The GOP's dramatic change in strategy to pass its health-care law]

The CBO report offered conclusions that might neutralize some conservative concerns, perhaps softening those members' opposition to the measure.


The conservative House Freedom Caucus did not immediately provide a response to the report.

At the same time, some moderate Republicans expressed concerns about the number of people who would lose coverage.

"These kinds of estimates are going to cause revisions in the bill, almost certainly," said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine).

"I don't think that the bill that is being considered now is the bill that ultimately will be the one that we vote on in the Senate."

Democrats cited the CBO numbers to support their flat-out opposition to the plan.

"The CBO score shows just how empty the president's promises, that everyone will be covered and costs will go down, have been," said Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.). "This should be a looming stop sign for the Republicans repeal effort."

"I would hope that this would make the Republicans say 'we can't do this," said Sen. Patty Murray (Wash.), a member of Democratic leadership.

"Twenty-four million people lose their coverage, it is total chaos to the country and I hope they pause, say 'This is not what we should be doing,' and move on."

The White House has spent the past week engaged in a charm offensive aimed at bringing conservatives on board, as well as an effort to discredit the CBO before it released numbers that might cast the plan in a negative light.

"If you're looking to the CBO for accuracy, you're looking in the wrong place," White House spokesman Sean Spicer said last week.

Ryan had predicted that the CBO would forecast a loss in coverage, but he had also suggested that those affected would be exercising their choice not to buy health plans, a choice that is penalized under the Affordable Care Act.

"CBO will say, 'Well, gosh, not as many people will get coverage,' " Ryan said Sunday in an appearance on CBS's "Face the Nation." "You know why? Because this isn't a government mandate."

"It's up to people," he said. "People are going to do what they want to do with their lives because we believe in individual freedom in this country."

The Affordable Care Act has increased coverage by 20 million to 22 million — almost half of those through the insurance markets the law created for people who cannot get affordable coverage through a job, and the rest through an expansion of Medicaid in 31 states and the District of Columbia.

According to the report, an estimated 52 million people would be uninsured in 2026, compared with 28 million who would lack insurance that year under the current law.

"Obviously, we want to improve those coverage numbers," said Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas). "But when you don't punish people for their refusal to buy a government-approved insurance [plan], some people are going to make the decision not to buy it."

This reasoning would only account for the immediate increase in the uninsured, according to the CBO.

Eventually, many people would lose health insurance because the legislation's tax credits would be less generous than those in the current law and because some states might undo the expansion of their Medicaid programs.

"All I can tell you it is a work in progress," Cornyn said of the bill.

The Trump administration led a broad effort to undercut the Congressional Budget Office over the weekend, including pointing out flaws in its forecasts for the Affordable Care Act.

"If the CBO was right about Obamacare to begin with, there'd be 8 million more people on Obamacare today than there actually are," said Mulvaney, director of the White House Office of Management and Budget. "Sometimes we ask them to do stuff they're not capable of doing, and estimating the impact of a bill of this size probably isn't the best use of their time."

"The CBO estimate five, six, seven years ago when this started, they estimated that over 20 million people would have coverage at the end of the ten-year window," Price said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "In fact, it's about half of that right now. So CBO has been very adept in not providing appropriate coverage statistics."

Price, the former chairman of the House Budget Committee, had previously celebrated the selection of CBO Director Keith Hall in 2015, saying he would bring an "impressive level of economic expertise and experience."

In private meetings last week, Trump suggested he was open to significant changes to the bill to appease hardliners skeptical of the bill. By the end of the week, however, the White House clarified it was siding with House Republican leaders on at least one request from the hardliners: speeding up cuts to Medicaid eligibility.

"Right now, the date that's in the bill is what the president supports," Spicer told reporters. "It's not a question of negotiation," he added.

On Friday, members of the House Freedom Caucus remained split over which elements more urgently needed change. Some called for changing the Medicaid timetable, while others urged the elimination of basic benefit requirements for health plans.

On Sunday, a growing group of conservatives was still threatening to kill the plan unless GOP leaders agreed to renegotiate parts of it.

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"He will not have the votes," Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) said of Ryan on CBS's "Face the Nation." "Everybody is being nice to everybody because they want us to vote for this, but we're not going to vote for it."

In January, Trump had promised to replace the ACA with a plan that provided "insurance for everybody."

"There was a philosophy in some circles that if you can't pay for it, you don't get it. That's not going to happen with us," Trump said in a Jan. 15 interview with The Washington Post.

"It's not going to be their plan," Trump said of people covered under the Affordable Care Act. "It'll be another plan. But they'll be beautifully covered. I don't want single-payer. What I do want is to be able to take care of people."

Read more at PowerPost--

John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV

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Re: [socialist-econ] Bernie Sanders on the reasons Trump won

Bernie is right. 

Sent from my iPhone

On Mar 13, 2017, at 2:29 PM, John Case <jcase4218@gmail.com> wrote:

http://observer.com/2017/02/bernie-sanders-blames-establishment-democrats-election-loss/

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Bernie Sanders on the reasons Trump won

http://observer.com/2017/02/bernie-sanders-blames-establishment-democrats-election-loss/

Neil Gorsuch and Religious Liberty: Class Dismissed [feedly]

Neil Gorsuch and Religious Liberty: Class Dismissed
https://workingclassstudies.wordpress.com/2017/02/20/neil-gorsuch-and-religious-liberty-class-dismissed/

President Trump's nomination of Judge Neil M. Gorsuch on January 31 to fill the vacant seat of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia on the United States Supreme Court may seem like the answer to a prayer for many in the religious right. In an interview on The Brody File (Christian Broadcasting Network) four days before the announcement of his nominee, Trump rightly predicted "I think evangelicals, Christians will love my pick."  A letter supporting Gorsuch signed by more than 60 evangelical leaders suggests that he is right. Even Russell Moore, the head of the Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention, who faced backlash for a New York Times op-ed arguing that Trump does not represent evangelical values, signed on to the statement affirming Gorsuch's judicial philosophy would meet the vital thresholds of protecting "the unborn, the strengthening of religious liberty, and a dedication to human flourishing — which we believe can only be accomplished by a biblical definition of marriage and family."

But how does such "strengthening of religious liberty" relate to the concerns of working-class people? Are religious liberty claims class neutral? The Hobby Lobby case offers a useful example, as well as a glimpse of Gorsuch's judicial philosophy at work.

In 2013, the U.S. Court of Appeals, Tenth Circuit, ruled that the Green family, owners of Hobby Lobby, a chain of craft stores, and Mardel, a Christian bookstore chain, and their corporation itself, are entitled to the protections of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act(2000) and the Free Exercise Clause (1791) of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Writing for the court, Judge Tymkovich argued that as a "closely held family company" organized with "express religious principles in mind," it would be a violation of their "sincerely held religious beliefs" and contrary to their faith to be forced to provide what they believe to be "abortifacient" (post-conception drugs to terminate pregnancy) contraceptive services as mandated by the 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.

Hobby Lobby has over 500 stores and almost 13,000 full-time employees, and Mardel has thirty-five Christian bookstores and almost 400 employees. The owners, David and Barbara Green and their three children, believe that "human life begins when sperm fertilizes an egg" and that it is "immoral" to "facilitate any act that causes the death of a human embryo." The application of the doctrine of religious liberty here means that the religious beliefs of five corporate owners take precedence over the beliefs and interests of nearly 13,400 workers in 535 stores across the country. Further, the ruling grants religious freedom to the corporation, giving it legal status as a "person" whose rights must be protected as well. The court reasoned that as the Religious Freedom Restoration Act requires, generally, that the "Government shall not substantially burden a person's exercise of religion" and that "[s]uch corporations can be 'persons' exercising religion for purposes of the statute."

Neil Gorsuch's concurring opinion focuses, in particular, on the Green family. Affirming the reasoning of Judge Tymkovich above, Gorsuch emphasizes the importance of the Green family's religious claims to the exclusion of any other parties, including their entire work force for whom access to low or no-cost contraceptive services could have very favorable consequences, morally, economically and otherwise.

Gorsuch also argues that free exercise claims have long protected "unpopular religious beliefs, vindicating this nation's long-held aspiration to serve as a refuge of religious tolerance." The concept has its source with individuals and groups with unpopular or underrepresented religious beliefs, as in the the U.S. Supreme Court decision (1963) in Sherbert v. Verner. Adell Sherbert, a Seventh-day Adventist, was fired from Beaumont mill, a textile factory in Beaumont, South Carolina for refusing to work on Sundays because of her religious belief that Saturday is a Sabbath day (certainly a minority view within Christianity). South Carolina denied Sherbert any unemployment benefits. In a 7-2 opinion, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Sherbert, a ruling that expanded the range of religious freedom claims and the rights of workers to have some defense against encroachment from employers.  But that was 1963 and now it is 2017.

If class is primarily about relationships of power in the workplace, as Michael Zweig has argued, this ruling emphasizes how the workplace can also shape the power one has over one's body and one's family well after the workday is over. For Hobby Lobby employees, any religious liberty claim they may wish to make (for instance, a deeply held religious belief that a fertilized egg is not a person) is not even hinted at in the discussion. Gorsuch's concurrence demonstrates that religious freedom claims are not abstract and universal. They are class bound and can be applied selectively.

As Congress considers Gorsuch's nomination, legislators should know that corporations will continue to deploy religious freedom claims, and state legislatures will continue to put forward Religious Freedom legislation like the bill then Governor Mike Pence's signed for Indiana in 2015.  U.S. Senate minority leader, Charles Schumer (D-NY) complained in a recent The New York Times essay that Gorsuch would not answer basic questions and argued that the nominee "owes it to the American people to provide an inkling of what kind of justice he would be." But Gorsuch has a history – a paper trail – on this matter, including the Hobby Lobby ruling.  We can expect that Gorsuch (and other justices, as well) will dismiss class as a factor when pondering the legitimacy and application of religious liberty claims. Gorsuch's views about the "strengthening of religious liberty" could have repercussions for the working class well into the future.

Ken Estey

Ken Estey is an associate professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College and the author of A New Protestant Labor Ethic at Work. His research centers on the intersection of politics and religion with a particular focus on labor and Christianity.

 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Reading: Richard Baldwin (2017):The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization [feedly]

Delong can be a pain...but this article is worth it simply for the breadth of topics and themes on globalization now being debated...

Reading: Richard Baldwin (2017):The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization
http://www.bradford-delong.com/2017/03/reading-richard-baldwin-2017the-great-convergence-information-technology-and-the-new-globalization.html

Reading: Richard Baldwin (2017): The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization (Cambridge: Belknap Press: 067466048X) http://amzn.to/2lR9qBC

I. Overview

The grand theory of history presented by Baldwin here has four beats:

1. Black Death that sets off the commercial revolution and the rise of the west.
2. An industrial era fall in the price of shipping that generates industrial concentration, rapid productivity growth in the global north, and the Great Divergence.
3. An end of the twentieth century fall in the price of communication that creates (a) the near end of world dire poverty, and (b) a very real but very spotty Great Convergence.
4. A continued barrier making high-intensity face-to-face communication that keeps the Great Convergence spotty and keeps the world from being anything like "flat".

Five Orienting Questions:

1. G7, I6, R11, A7, GVCs—what are all these acronyms? What is their structure in the argument?
2. Baldwin believes that in this new age those pieces of intellectual property which enable value capture are "owned" by corporations in the sense that they are fully "excludable"—or nearly fully enough for it to make a huge difference. Is he right?
3. The "Great Convergence" Baldwin sees is the I6—China, Korea, India, Indonesia, Thailand, and Poland—raising their share of global manufacturing production. But earlier we had the EA5—Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, Korea, Taiwan—raising their share. And earlier we had southern Europe joining the global north. And still earlier we had the collapse of the southern cone of South America. And earlier we had the rise of the U.S. to industrial preeminence. To what degree is the most recent process an extraordinary shift, and to what degree is it business-as-usual as countries join and leave the global north?
4. Suppose China and India had been small population countries rather than large population countries: would Baldwin still have written this book? To what extent is this book a result of the fact that the two largest population countries in the world just happened to be the ones that saw the biggest improvements in governance in the past generation?
5. In Baldwin's estimation, the truisms of industrial policy has overturned as the world has shifted from the frown curve—value-added that the market recognizes is created by being the fabricator—to the smile curve—value-added that the market recognizes is created by owning (a) raw materials, (b) design, (c) branded distribution, and (d) ancillary post-manufacturing services. The smile curve was durable: it lasted for almost two centuries. Is there any reason to think that the frown curve is equally durable, or even a quarter as durable?

When transportation involved wind power by sea and animal power by land... production [was] a hostage of consumption since people were tied to the land...

Three costs of distance... the cost of moving goods, the cost of moving ideas, and the cost of moving people.... Three constraints that limit the separation of production and consumption. Shipping costs fell radically a century and a half before communication costs did. And face-to-face interactions remain very costly even today...

II. Richard Baldwin on the Rise of the West

Baldwin's asides on the Black Death and "the rise of the west" are a diversion, but are not without interest in directing us to Findlay and O'Rourke's argument. It is an argument that seems along the lines of Robert Brenner. The Black Death in the context of west European feudalism strengthened the bargaining power of and freed the peasantry, raised their living standards, and the high-productivity sophisticated-(for its time)-post-Medieval value chain set off the commercial revolution. Brenner pointed out that in eastern Europe things went very differently: Black Death-created labor scarcity in the context of commercial revolution demand from points west motivated the creation of the "second serfdom". And what is Findlay and O'Rourke's argument about Islam, exactly?

The seven ancient civilizations (China, India / Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Italy / Greece, and Egypt)…

The boost in trade that Pax Mongolica enabled had the unintended effect of globalizing the bubonic plague. While the disease had caused havoc several times in history, the waves of epidemics from 1350 onward were truly transformative. Moving East to West along the Silk Road, the Black Death... wiped out between a quarter and half of all Europeans in just three years.... The effect on the Islamic World was at least as severe. The impact on China and India, by contrast, seems to have been less marked.... The Black Death... a watershed event.... The massive population losses transformed European societies in ways that triggered progress, but had the opposite effect on the Islamic world.... Findlay and... O'Rourke provide an engaging discussion of how... Western Europe had been stagnating in an equilibrium dominated by rural nobles, while Islamic civilization was flourishing via its urban centers. Since the disease hit cities harder, the shock may have shifted Europe from a bad equilibrium to a good one, while having the opposite impact on the Islamic world.... Broadberry ascribes the divergent impacts to differences in the type of agriculture, the age of first marriage of females, the flexibility of labor supply, and the nature of state institutions…

III. Richard Baldwin on the Great Divergence

Baldwin's theory about how the world became (a) so rich (compared to the past) and (b) so unequal relies on two mechanisms: the very steep fall in goods shipping costs, and spillovers from manufacturing production. Globalization took a forward leap. And the manufacturing specialization that low goods transport costs incentivized created very powerful virtuous and vicious circles. These arguments also strongly suggest that free trade was the wrong policy for countries that had a chance of developing a competence in their communities of manufacturing engineering excellence.

A. Globalization's Forward Leap:

Globalization took a leap forward in the early 1800s, when steam power and global peace lowered the costs of moving goods...

[From 1820] falling trade costs fueled a cycle of trade, industrialization, and growth that produced one of history's most dramatic reversals of fortune...

O'Rourke and Jeff Williamson argue that the best way to define economic globalization is as the integration of markets across space... start[ing] the clock on modern globalization around the year 1820...

Relaxing the shipping constraint did not make the world flat since the communication and face-to-face constraints were still in evidence.... Even as production moved away from consumption, manufacturing gathered into factories and industrial districts—not to economize on trade costs, but rather to save on communication and face-to-face costs. This microclustering spurred innovation in industrializing nations, and the innovations stayed local due to the high cost of moving ideas. The result was that know-how-per-worker rose much faster in the North than it did in the South. Ultimately, this is what created the great North-South income divide known as the Great Divergence...

Five top-line facts that marked globalization's first unbundling: (1) The North industrialized while the South deindustrialized. (2) Trade boomed. (3) Growth took off worldwide but sooner and faster in the North than in the South. (4) The Great Divergence happened. (5) Urbanization accelerated, especially in the North. All these stylize facts can be easily understood as implications of globalization's first unbundling…

B. Virtuous and Vicious Circles:

Knowledge creation makes it easier to create knowledge.... As the G7 economies were gaining industry and the A7 economies losing industry, G7 innovation became easier while A7 innovation became harder. Northern industrialization, in other words, advanced Northern growth, while the Southern deindustrialization held back Southern growth.... Given how continuous growth is driven by knowledge spillovers, and how knowledge spillovers were localized by the high cost of moving ideas, the region that got the industry also saw its growth takeoff sooner...

Middle-income Britishers could... afford to dine on bread baked with U.S. wheat while sipping tea brewed from Chinese leaves and sweetened with Jamaican sugar—all set on a tablecloth made of Indian cotton.... O'Rourke and... Williamson date the start of this process to 1820... this separation of production and consumption [is] globalization's first unbundling.... Markets expanded globally but industry clustered locally... in the North. This Northern industrialization fostered Northern innovation, and since ideas were so costly to move, Northern innovations stayed in the North. The result was that modern, innovation-fueled growth took off sooner and faster in the North. In just a few decades, the resulting growth differences compounded into the colossal, North-South income asymmetries that define the planet's economic landscape even today. In short, the Great Divergence was produced by the combination of low trade costs and high communication costs...

IV. Richard Baldwin on the Great Convergence

The innovative parts of the book begin here, with Baldwin's theory that ICT enables the spatial separation of fabrication on the one hand from design and engineering—and branding—on the other. The argument proceeds in many stages. I count six:

(A) The "Great Convergence" itself.

(B) The fact that the "Great Convergence" is really not a convergence—rather, it is a concentrated shift of manufacturing to six low wage economies, the I6: China, Korea, India, Indonesia, Thailand, and Poland.

(C) The commodity price boom created by growth in the I6 then pulls other resource rich economies up as possessing natural resources becomes, once again, a source of added wealth. Hence the growth in global GDP shares of the R11—the Rising Eleven: China, Korea, India, Indonesia, Poland, Brazil, Nigeria, Australia, Mexico, Venezuela, and Turkey.

(D) Then comes Baldwin's assertion that the important knowledge—how to use low-wage labor as part of a high-productivity global manufacturing value chain—is "owned" by firms headquartered in the G7. I find myself skeptical. I think it is brought by high-productivity firms headquartered in the G-7. But does it remain owned by them?

(E) This new globalization has very large and very different winners and losers than the old globalization did.

(F) And this new globalization calls for industrial policies based on nurturing innovative pre- and post-fabrication service-delivering cities.

Does this argument hold together? How much of this argument holds together?

A. The Great Convergence Itself:

The upward spiral was checked from the mid-1980s and reversed around 1990. For the last couple of decades, the G7 share has been torqueing downward at a mighty pace. Today it is back to the level that it first attained at the very beginning of the nineteen century. This shocking share shift suggests that the nature of globalization changed radically around 1990. Accompanying Figure 1's "shocking share shift" was a changeover in manufacturing. Today's rich nations—which had seen their share of world manufacturing slip slowly since 1970—witnessed an accelerated decline from 1990...

Globalization made a second leap in the late twentieth century when ICT radically lowered the cost of moving ideas...

While the steam revolution took decades to transform globalization, the ICT revolution took years....

From 1990, the trend flipped; a century's worth of rich nations' rise has been reversed in just two decades. Their share is now back to where it was in 1914. This trend, which might be called the "Great Convergence," is surely the dominant economic fact of the last two or three decades. It is the origin of much of the anti-globalization sentiment in rich nations, and much of the new assertiveness of "emerging markets"...

Radically better communications made it possible to coordinate complex activities at distance. Once this sort of offshoring was feasible, the North-South wage gap... made... profitable... the offshoring of production stages to low-wage nations.... Rich-nation firms sent their marketing, managerial, and technical know-how along with the production stages that had been moved offshore.... The second unbundling... the "global value chain revolution"—redrew the international boundaries of knowledge... industrial competitiveness... now increasingly defined by the outlines of international production networks rather than the boundaries of nations.... Because this high-tech, low-wage combination turned out to be a world beater, the easier movement of ideas sparked massive North-to-South flows of know-how. It is exactly these new knowledge flows that make the New Globalization so different from the Old Globalization...

Industrialization became easier for nations joining global value chains.... The "big push" could be made in small steps.... The know-how necessary to set up single stages is much easier for developing nations to absorb than the know-how that is necessary to set up a whole sector.... [And] global value chains make the sales-scale conundrum evaporate since the multinational firms setting up the offshore facilities have already attained global competitiveness...

G7 firms own this know-how, so the new North-to-South knowledge movements should not be thought of as some enormous "Kumbaya moment."... The New Globalization only boosted the manufacturing fortunes of the "teams" that the G7 coach decided to "train."...

Seven essential outcomes from Phase Four. (1) The North deindustrialized while a small number of developing nations industrialized. (2) The rapid industrializers saw their growth soar. (3) Commodity prices experienced a super-cycle that initiated growth takeoffs in commodity exporting nations. (4) The Great Convergence occurred. (5) The nature of North-South trade changed to involve much more back-and-forth trade. (6) Most developing nations embraced trade liberalization. (7)The impacts were very geographically specific…

B. The Concentration of the Great Convergence:

Curiously, the G7's share loss showed up as share gains in very few nations. Only six developing nations (called the I6 in the chart, short for the Industrializing Six) saw their share of world manufacturing rise by more than three-tenths of one percentage point since 1990. The curiosity lies in the fact that the effect is so concentrated.... Note that China is a real standout. Its share of world manufacturing (not shown separately) rose from about 3 percent to almost a fifth....

Why should the impact of globalization be so narrow geographically when cheap transportation and communication are so broadly available? Answering this question requires a broader view of globalization...

Why was the training so curiously concentrated?... Since it is still expensive to move people—and international production networks still need people to move among facilities—offshoring firms tend to cluster production in a few locations... near the G7 industrial powerhouses...

Changes are so geographically specific since the third constraint on globalization—the high cost of moving people—is still binding. The manufacturing revolution only happened in developing nations that high-tech firms decided to invite into their production networks. To economize on face-to-face costs, these firms concentrated offshoring in a few nearby nations. India is a special case; it has joined global value chains via services that are much less subject to the face-to-face constraint...

C. Commodity Cycle Spillovers:

The growth acceleration in the I6, however, produced... the commodity super-cycle and attendant growth takeoffs in commodity exporting nations.... By stimulating the demand for commodities, the I6's rapid income expansion pushed up the prices of the full range of commodities—everything from wheat to powered milk to iron ore and oil.... The super-cycle stimulated Southern incomes more than Northern incomes. The fourth outcome, the Great Convergence, stemmed directly from the booming growth in the South. The large growth gaps between the G7 and the developing nations during the 1990s and 2000s compounded into the "shocking share shift" that was discussed in the Introduction...

About half of all humans live in the developing nations that are rapidly industrializing, so their rapid income growth created a booming demand for raw materials... the "commodity super-cycle," which subsequently sparked growth takeoffs in many commodity-exporting nations that [had been] untouched by the emergence of global value chains...

The Group of Seven's share of global GDP declined from two-thirds in 1990 to under one-half today.... Who were the GDP share winners?... Very few nations... only eleven.... These Rising Eleven... China, India, Brazil, Indonesia, Nigeria, Korea, Australia, Mexico, Venezuela, Poland, and Turkey... accounted for fourteen of the seventeen percentage points lost by the G7.... China alone accounted for about seven percentage points, as the bottom panel of Figure 27 shows. Adding in... India and Brazil brings the gain by the top three share-gaining nations to ten percentage points of world GDP...

There is a good deal of overlap between the... Industrializing Six and the Rising Eleven... [with] all of the rapid industrializers are among the R11 risers, except Thailand...

D. How Excludable Is the Knowledge, Anyway?:

Knowledge is not like labor or most other factors of production.... Knowledge... [is] a "nonrival" factor, or at least partly so.... The most obvious ramification of the second unbundling is that owners of the rich nation's know-how will gain... leverage the value of the knowledge against both nations' labor forces... an unusually high reward to large, technology-driven firms based in rich nations, especially those engaged in offshoring...

The new international movement of knowledge is very carefully controlled by the firms that own it. They make great efforts to see that it stays inside the contours of their global value chains. As a consequence, the New Globalization is transforming only the developing economies that are on the receiving end of the know-how.... When the second unbundling redrew the international boundaries of production... comparative advantage was denationalized.... The frontline of competition is better thought of as being between cross-national production networks—call them "global value chains," or GVCs for short...

Knowledge spillovers—which acted as an agglomeration force in the nineteenth century—started acting as a powerful dispersion force in the twenty-first century.... The argument gets subtle and focuses on wages as a dispersion force. During the first unbundling, rapid industrialization pushed up wages in a way that slowed down the agglomeration. During the second unbundling, the wage-industrialization link was muted by particular features of global value chains. More exactly, G7 firms moved, and are still moving, specific pieces of know-how to specific production facilities in China and other emerging markets. They try very hard to prevent this knowledge from becoming generalized to other firms in the offshore destination...

The "smile curve."... More and more of the value is being added by services that are related to manufacturing; less and less is being added by simple manufacturing itself.... Much of value addition that used to happen in fabrication stages.. has been transferred to the pre- and post-fabrication stages that are dominated by service inputs.... The smile-deepening has caused anxiety among rapidly industrializing developing nations. They are now worrying that they are getting the "bad" jobs—that is, jobs associated with low value added per worker—while the "good" jobs stay in the North. Apple is a perfect example of this good versus bad job concern...

E. Winners and Losers:

Some 650 million developing-nation citizens have been lifted above abject poverty since the early 1990s, many of them in nations that have participated heartedly in global value chains. Note that this part of the New Globalization's impact is due to international knowledge flows as well as the trade flows thus generated; this is thus one of things that is really new about the New Globalization...

The New Globalization had very uneven effects across the global income distribution.... The entire middle of the global income distribution fared well. The really rich also did well (point on the far right of the chart). The groups that suffered were the people who were really poor in 1998 and those at the lower end of the income scale in rich nations...

The middle of the [global] income distribution... either... were in one of the Industrializing Six... or... in emerging markets that experienced commodity-led income takeoffs. The global elite won since the global value chain revolution, and the ICT revolution more broadly, allowed them to sell their know-how to a wider audience...

G7 firms moved, and are still moving, specific pieces of know-how to specific production facilities in China and other emerging markets. They try very hard to prevent this knowledge from becoming generalized to other firms in the offshore destination. The motives for this guarding of technology had little to do with wages, but the consequence was a much weaker wage-industry link in the second unbundling as compared to the first.... Workers in the offshored factories got paid something that was tied to what might be called their "next best option" wage.... The next-best-option wage did not rise quickly despite the rapid industrialization.... The dispersion forces that might have slowed down the shifting of industry from North to South were neutralized by the fact that know-how transfers were happening mostly inside global value chains...

For Santiago de Querétaro, a colonial-era town in North-Central Mexico, the New Globalization has been a miracle-size blessing.... Santiago de Querétaro and the surrounding region have attracted activities ranging from data centers to aircraft manufacturing.... One key company... was... Canadian... Bombardier. The firm first moved technologically unsophisticated, labor-intensive stages to Querétaro... assembly of wire harnesses for aircraft were done in Querétaro, after which the subassemblies were shipped back to Quebec.... But increasingly sophisticated stages followed.... Bombardier's Querétaro facility now makes tails for business jets.... Bombardier Recreational Products... builds watercraft... makes sophisticated composite hulls.... The director of BRP Querétaro, Thomas Wieners: "Normally you bring something that you completely know how to do and you want to leverage some labor content. But we believe we've found a strong talent pool here." A large measure of Querétaro's achievement comes down to the knowledge that Bombardier moved from Canada to Mexico. This was not easy. As Gallant notes, "Bombardier was faced with the dilemma of how to transfer the know-how from French-speaking veterans to Spanish-speaking newbies." To overcome the hurdles, the company invented a system of pictograms that Mexican operators could follow without knowing a word of French. This miracle for Querétaro's "Spanish-speaking newbies" has been rather less happy for the "French-speaking veterans" in Quebec. Bombardier can now make airplane tails using Mexican manufacturing engineers who get about $60 a day instead of Canadian aerospace engineers who get $35 an hour...

Today, Dyson... a "factoryless goods producer." None of its workers are involved in fabrication. They are engaged in the full range of services necessary to produce the goods, but they don't actually make the goods. Now Dyson combines its technical, marketing, and management knowledge with low-wage Malaysian workers to keep its products competitive with those of other producers who are doing the same... James Dyson.... "We are a much more flourishing company now because of what we did and it's doubtful if we could have survived in the long term if we had not done so.… We employ 1,300 at Malmesbury [the U.K. site]—engineers, scientists, and people running the business. The decision to shift production to Malaysia was not good for Britain in one sense because we don't employ manual labor any more. But we are taking on more at higher pay rates and more value-added levels." Dyson seems to have been right... plans to create 3,000 science and engineering jobs in the United Kingdom by 2020... main problem was a shortage of skills…

F. New-Age Industrial Policy:

Globalization makes life harder for governments.... The intrinsic difficulty is multiplied by the fact that many governments and analysts are using the Old Globalization's mental model to understand the New Globalization's effects.... They focused on the market-failure question.... Good policy was clear. The government should focus on forms of investment characterized by market failures... focused... on which policies would foster the greatest spillovers (the answer was usually R&D) or correct the biggest market failures (the answer was often infrastructure)...

Wise governments... distinguish carefully between factors of production that are internationally mobile and those that are internationally immobile.... As Enrico Moretti points out in... The New Geography of Jobs, good jobs created in G7 nations have a local multiplier effect, which good jobs created by G7 firms abroad do not...

Stickiness arises from agglomeration.... A skills-cluster is more than the sum of its parts, which in turn means that the cluster can pay over-the-odds wages. Human capital has the extra attraction of being flexible. Skills that produce excellence are often transferable across sectors and stages, which allows workers to adapt to changing demands. Human capital is also central in the input-output structure. Skill-intensive services are inputs into many different stages and products, so demand for such tasks is more stable...

When companies like Uniqlo combine their advanced knowledge with low wages, the value added in fabrication plummets... mak[ing] it nigh on impossible for Japanese workers using Japanese technology to compete with Chinese workers using Japanese technology. It would be a fool's game to try to promote such jobs in Japan.... [The] good manufacturing-related jobs in Japan, but many of them are, and increasingly will be, service jobs.... "Sticky" jobs tend to be good jobs, and vice versa. As Moretti writes: "In innovation, a company's success depends on the entire ecosystem that surrounds it.… It is harder to delocalize innovation than traditional manufacturing.… You would have to move not just one company but an entire ecosystem." The same applies to many kinds of services. As the servicification of manufacturing advances, the competitiveness of a nation's manufactured exports will increasingly depend on the local availability of a broad range of excellent, reasonably priced services.... Excellent and diverse service sectors should be thought of as twenty-first-century industrial bases...

Cities become skill-clusters—or "brain hubs" as Enrico Moretti calls them. The link between the success of a city and human capital is a close one. One of the most persistent predictors of urban growth over the last century is the skill level of a city.

G7 policymakers should... start thinking service inputs into manufactured exports... good (service) jobs... the service sector as the twenty-first-century industrial base... [via] well-functioning cities... "China-proof" their good jobs...

Today's globalization does not resemble your parents' globalization. And tomorrow's globalization is very likely to be quite different from today's. The baseline reason is that the driving forces changed.... The main driver was a massive cut in the cost of moving goods... triggered by the steam revolution. The main driver switched to phenomenal drops in the cost of moving ideas when the ICT revolution came along…

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Economic Update - “Questions about Capitalism” - 03.12.17 [feedly]

Economic Update - "Questions about Capitalism" - 03.12.17
http://economicupdate.podbean.com/e/economic-update-questions-about-capitalism-031217/

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