Sunday, October 24, 2021

The Horse Bit and Bridle Kicked Off Ancient Empires – A New Giant Dataset Tracks the Societal Factors That Drove Military Technology [feedly]

The Horse Bit and Bridle Kicked Off Ancient Empires – A New Giant Dataset Tracks the Societal Factors That Drove Military Technology
https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2021/10/the-horse-bit-and-bridle-kicked-off-ancient-empires-a-new-giant-dataset-tracks-the-societal-factors-that-drove-military-technology.html

A strange day is coming to America… A massive and surprising new transition that could soon impact the wealth of thousands of Americans. Learn More

This era saw the advancement of the ability to control horses with bit and bridle, the spread of iron-working techniques through Eurasia that led to hardier and cheaper weapons and armor and new ways of killing from a distance, such as with crossbows and catapults. On the whole, warfare became much more deadly.

During this era, many societies were consumed by the crucible of war. A few, though – the Achaemenid Persian Empire, the Roman Empire and Han China – not only survived, but thrived, becoming megaempires encompassing tens of millions of people and controlling territories of millions of square miles.

So what drove this cascade of technological innovation that literally changed the course of history?

We are a complexity scientist, Peter Turchin, and a historian, Dan Hoyer, who have been working since 2011 with a multidisciplinary team to build and analyze a large database of past societies. In a new paper published in PLOS One on Oct. 20, 2021, we describe the main societal drivers of ancient military innovation and how these new technologies changed empires.

In the year A.D. 1, many areas of the world were dominated by massive empires each encompassing millions of people.Javierfv1212/WikimediaCommons

A Database for Human History

The store of knowledge about the past is truly enormous. The trick is to translate that knowledge into data that can be analyzed. This is where Seshat comes in.

The Seshat Databank is named after Seshat, an ancient Egyptian goddess of wisdom, knowledge and writing. Founded in 2011 as a collaboration among the Evolution Institute, the Complexity Science Hub Vienna, the University of Oxford and many others, Seshat aimed to first systematically gather as much knowledge about humanity's shared past as possible. Then our team formatted that information in a way that allows researchers to use big-data analytics to look for recurrent patterns in history and test the many theories aiming to explain such patterns.

The first step in this process was to develop a conceptual scheme for coding historical information ranging from military technology to the size and shape of states to the nature of ritual and religion. The database includes over 400 societies across all world regions and ranges in time from roughly 10,000 B.C. to A.D. 1800.

In order to trace the evolution of military technologies, we first broke them down into six key dimensions: hand-held weapons, projectiles, armor, fortifications, transport animals and metallurgical advances. Each of these dimensions was then further divided into more specific categories. Altogether we identified 46 such variables among the six technological dimensions.

For example, we distinguish types of projectile weapons into slings, simple bows, compound bows, crossbows and so on. We then coded whether or not each historical society in the Seshat sample wielded these technologies. For example, the earliest appearance of crossbows in our database is around 400 B.C. in China.

Of course, humanity's knowledge of the past is imprecise. Historians may not know the exact year crossbows first appeared in a particular region. But imprecision in a few cases is not a serious problem given the staggering amount of information in the database and when the goal is to discover macrolevel patterns across thousands of years of history.

The Seshat Databank places technological innovation in specific societies at specific times, as seen in this map showing the spread of mounted cavalry through time from its origins in the Eurasian steppes. Peter Turchin and Daniel HoyerCC BY-ND

Competition and Exchange Drive Innovation

In our new paper, we wanted to find out what drove the invention and adoption of increasingly advanced military technologies around the globe during the era of ancient megaempires.

Utilizing the massive amount of historical information collected by the Seshat team, we ran a suite of statistical analyses to trace how, where and when these technologies evolved and what factors seemed to have had the largest influence in these processes.

We found that the major drivers of technological innovation did not have to do with attributes of states themselves, like population size or the sophistication of a governance. Rather, the biggest drivers of innovation appear to be the overall world population at any given time, increasing connectivity among large states – along with the competition that such connections brought – and a few fundamental technological advances that set off a cascade of subsequent innovations.

The invention of horse bits and other bridle parts – like this one from 7th- to 8th-century B.C. Italy – gave people more effective control of horses, which had knock-on effects for the development of mounted warfare. Walter C. Baker/New York Metropolitan Museum of Art

Let's illustrate these dynamics with a specific example. Around 1000 B.C., nomadic herders in the steppes north of the Black Sea invented the bit and bridle to better control horses when riding them. They combined this technology with a powerful recurved bow and iron arrowheads to deadly effect. Horse archers became the weapon of mass destruction of the ancient world. Shortly after 1000 B.C., thousands of metal bits suddenly appeared and spread within the Eurasian steppes.

Competition and connection then grew between the nomadic people and the larger settled states. Because it was hard for farming societies to resist these mounted warriors, they were forced to develop new armor and weapons like the crossbow. These states also had to build large infantry armies and mobilize more of their populations toward such collective efforts as maintaining defenses and producing and distributing enough goods to keep everyone fed. This spurred the development of increasingly complex administrative systems to manage all these moving parts. Ideological innovations – such as the major world religions of today – were also developed as they helped to unite larger and more disparate populations toward common purpose.

Within this cascade of innovation we see the origins of the world's first megaempires as well as the rise and spread of world religions practiced by billions of people today. In a way, these critical developments can all be traced back to the development of the bit and bridle, which allowed riders better control of horses. Each step in this line has been long understood, but by employing the full range of cross-cultural information stored in the Seshat databank, our team was able to trace the dynamic sequence tying all these different developments together.

Of course, this account gives a greatly simplified explanation of very complex historical dynamics. But our research exposes the key role played by the intersocietal competition and exchange in the evolution both of technology and of complex societies. Although the focus of this research was on the ancient and medieval periods, the gunpowder-triggered military revolution had analogous effects in the modern era.

Perhaps most importantly, our research shows that history is not "just one damn thing after another" – there are indeed discernible causal patterns and empirical regularities through the course of history. And with Seshat, researchers can use the knowledge amassed by historians to separate theories that are supported by data from those that are not.

This story was co-authored by Daniel Hoyer, a researcher and project manager at the Evolution Institute and a part-time professor at George Brown College.

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The geography of the Great Resignation: First-time data shows where Americans are quitting the most [feedly]

The geography of the Great Resignation: First-time data shows where Americans are quitting the most
https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/10/22/states-labor-quitting-turnvoer-jolts/?utm_source=feedly&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=wp_business

text only -- check out the map via thelink

By Alyssa Fowers and Eli Rosenberg
October 22, 2021|Updated October 22, 2021 at 3:51 p.m. EDT

Kentucky, Idaho, South Dakota and Iowa reported the highest increases in the rates of workers who quit their jobs in August, according to a new glimpse of quit rates in the labor market released Friday.

The largest increase in the number of quitters happened in Georgia, with 35,000 more people leaving their jobs. Overall, the states with the highest rates of workers quitting their jobs were Georgia, Kentucky and Idaho.

The report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics builds out a portrait of August's labor market, with historic levels of people leaving jobs and a near-record number of job openings showing the leverage workers have in the new economy. It offers the first detailed insight into the state-by-state geography of this year's Great Resignation.

"It is a sign of health that there are many companies that are looking for work — that's a great sign," said Ben Ayers, senior economist at Nationwide. "The downside is there are many workers that won't come back in. And long term you can't sustain a labor market that's as tight as it is right now."

Nick Bunker, an economist at the online jobs platform Indeed, said it was notable that more-rural states had the highest quit rates.

"Service-sector jobs tend to be concentrated in more dense, urban parts of the country, so to see the quits rate pick up in other places was interesting," he said. That "may be a sign there's more competition in those parts of the country than other parts."

A record number of people are quitting their jobs. Here's what's driving the 'Great Resignation.'
4.3 million people left their jobs in August. National video reporter Hannah Jewell explains why so many people are calling it quits. (Casey Silvestri/The Washington Post)

As the Delta wave grew in August, the states with the most new infections also saw hotter job markets than the country as a whole. Employees quit or were hired at rates matching or exceeding the national average in the ten states with the highest rates of new infections that month: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Oklahoma, South Carolina and Tennessee.

The data comes on top of another government snapshot showing that 4.3 million people quit jobs in August — about 2.9 percent of the workforce, a pandemic-era record.

The phenomenon is being driven in part by workers who are less willing to endure inconvenient hours and poor compensation, and are quitting to find better opportunities. There were 10.4 million job openings in the country at the end of August — down slightly from July's record high, which was adjusted up to 11.1 million, but still a tremendously high number. This gives workers enormous leverage as they look for a better fit.

Yes, the office is back. It just might never be the same.

Mary Kaylor is part of that groundswell.

She left her job in early July after her employer began calling workers back to the office, saying they'd have to be at their desks at least four days a week.

But her old commute — 90 minutes each way, or worse with traffic, from where she lives north of Baltimore to her office in Alexandria, Va. — was no longer acceptable to her.

"It was affecting my health, and I couldn't get my work done," she said. "I decided, 'Why am I doing this?'"

So Kaylor resigned, even though she did not have another job lined up. It didn't take long for her to land on her feet, however.

Just a few weeks after she quit, a recruiter reached out to her on LinkedIn about a position at Robert Half, a San Ramon, Calif.-based consulting company. The job allowed her to work remotely, and she said she felt that the company had a very employee-centric culture that made the switch easy from afar. She started the new position in August.

"Everything that I had read about the jobs market being hot and opportunities being out there was absolutely 100 percent correct," she said.

Now she says she has a job she likes, but with more balance at home and time to take care of herself with no commute.

"I've been able to get back to a regular workout and exercise routine — time to run in the morning and do yoga," she said. "All the time I used to spend sitting on the Beltway I can spend outside, so I'm excited about that."

Ramon Soto, 28, took advantage of the hot jobs market to look for a new position over the summer. He had been working in person at a law firm and said he got tired of the commute and constant negotiation about sick time amid persistent covid-19 risks.

By the end of August, he had dueling job offers — one at a company in Texas and another as an intake specialist at another law firm, near his home in Long Branch, N.J., that would allow him to work remotely.

He started the intake specialist job the next month, and it came with a raise to boot.

"Working from home removes a lot of the stress of regular day-to-day office work," Soto said. "You prioritize what the most essential part of your job is and get stuff done quicker so you can take full advantage of your day."

He said it was clear to him looking through job listings online that he had a lot of options to work remotely, as companies have increasingly begun offering the option to attract talent and widen applicant pools.He said that he felt he had some leverage in his job search but that the process was still extremely competitive — he interviewed three to four times at each of the companies that eventually made offers and had applied to many others.

"I knew I had an advantage," he said. "People are realizing their worth. Many of the jobs you look at now, especially in Jersey — people can't afford the cost of living working 40 hours. So you have people working two jobs, possibly three. But the pandemic actually flipped the coin, and employees have more power when it comes it to their pay now."

Chris Blanton, 34, who does clinical-trial work for companies that work with pharmaceutical firms, said he was bombarded with messages from recruiters on LinkedIn over the summer.

He finally started responding to them in early August, to see if there were better opportunities out there.

Within six weeks, he had a job offer from another company, one that would allow him to continue working remotely from his home in Orlando. It came with a raise and a substantial hiring bonus — the first bonus he had ever received, he said. Another company was interested in him, too, but was operating on a longer time frame.

So he quit the position he had and started the new job in late September.

"Usually I will ignore them all," he said of recruiters. "But I figured it was a time to see what's out there. That's when I found out there are other jobs that might be a better fit for me."

A previous version of this article incorrectly referred to a San Ramon, Calif., consulting company as Robert Hath. It is Robert Half. This version has been corrected.


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Saturday, October 23, 2021

Enlighten Radio:Talkin Socialism: STRIKETOBER!!

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Blog: Enlighten Radio
Post: Talkin Socialism: STRIKETOBER!!
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Friday, October 22, 2021

Re: Amazon Staten Island Warehouse Workers in Push to Unionize [feedly]

NYT and WaPo have more relevant details in their stories. The NYTimes article about it is unsurprisingly full of good detail. Most interesting bit from it for me is that they intend to file with precisely 30% of signed cards, the bare minimum necessary to trigger an election but also that they don't yet have that 30%, they just expect to have it by next week. https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/21/technology/amazon-workers-union-staten-island.html The Washington Post also has a good article with some choice quotes. https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/10/21/amazon-union-vote-staten-island/

Our understanding is that Chris Smalls was being advised early on by United For Respect which, during their OUR Walmart campaign, focused heavily on media narratives using individual workers as spokespeople and then using their frequent tragic firing to generate even more outraged media coverage. Since then he has found other allies and advice and I can't speak to their current theory of power aside from what has been publicly reported.

-Howard

Capitalismus delendus est.


On Thu, Oct 21, 2021 at 10:11 AM Eda diBiccari <ekdib@sbcglobal.net> wrote:
They filed with just 30% ("more than 2000"/7K), why?  To get an voter list? Or do they think they can gain that much in the middle of Amazon's ramped up union busting campaign?

On Thursday, October 21, 2021, 06:55:50 AM EDT, John Case <jcase4218@gmail.com> wrote:


Amazon Staten Island Warehouse Workers in Push to Unionize
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-10-21/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-staten-island-push-to-unionize

text only:

More than two thousand workers at four Amazon.com Inc. facilities in Staten Island have signed a petition asking federal labor officials to greenlight an election to form a new union, the latest spasm of labor strife between the e-commerce giant and its large blue-collar workforce.

The newly formed Amazon Labor Union must submit signatures from 30% of the workers to meet federal requirements. The facilities on Staten Island employ approximately 7,000 people. The National Labor Relations Board will determine whether the organizers have met the threshold to hold an election.

"We intend to fight for higher wages, job security, safer working conditions, more paid time off, better medical leave options and longer breaks," the Amazon Labor Union said Thursday in a statement.

The group's president, Christian Smalls, worked for Amazon for 4 1/2 years and was fired in 2020 after participating in demonstrations protesting the company's Covid-19 policies. Smalls alleged his firing was retaliatory, but Amazon said he violated safety guidelines.

The ALU has been organizing for the past six months, hosting barbeques and handing out water near Amazon warehouses in the New York borough. Organizers say Amazon has already been employing "union-busting" tactics to create doubt in workers' minds about the benefits of membership.



Amazon workers at a fulfillment center in Bessemer, Alabama, voted not to join a union in April. But the results were challenged, and a federal official recommended that the labor board hold a fresh election. The Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, which led that campaign, alleged Amazon influenced the election by intimidating workers and pressuring them to cast votes in a mailbox the company had installed on its property in view of security cameras. Amazon denied any wrongdoing.

The Teamsters, whose members include delivery drivers for United Parcel Service Inc., are trying to organize Amazon warehouse workers in Canada.

The organizers of the union effort on Staten Island are bracing for pushback from the company. The first battle could come over which employees qualify for union representation, a classic tactic by employers looking to quash union elections.  


The pandemic put a spotlight on the plight of so-called essential workers, including those in Amazon's logistics and delivery operations, whose labor helped many people reduce their exposure by having goods delivered to their homes. Growing public support for such workers has helped revive the hopes of U.S. laborSome Amazon warehouse workers in Europe belong to unions, but the company's vast logistics workforce in the U.S. isn't unionized. Amazon says its warehouse workers earn at least $15 hour -- a point it repeatedly hammered in Bessemer, where such wages go a lot further than they do in New York. However, union members working in transportation and warehousing earned 34% more than non-union workers in 2020, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.


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Thursday, October 21, 2021

Re: Amazon Staten Island Warehouse Workers in Push to Unionize [feedly]

They filed with just 30% ("more than 2000"/7K), why?  To get an voter list? Or do they think they can gain that much in the middle of Amazon's ramped up union busting campaign?

On Thursday, October 21, 2021, 06:55:50 AM EDT, John Case <jcase4218@gmail.com> wrote:


Amazon Staten Island Warehouse Workers in Push to Unionize
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-10-21/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-staten-island-push-to-unionize

text only:

More than two thousand workers at four Amazon.com Inc. facilities in Staten Island have signed a petition asking federal labor officials to greenlight an election to form a new union, the latest spasm of labor strife between the e-commerce giant and its large blue-collar workforce.

The newly formed Amazon Labor Union must submit signatures from 30% of the workers to meet federal requirements. The facilities on Staten Island employ approximately 7,000 people. The National Labor Relations Board will determine whether the organizers have met the threshold to hold an election.

"We intend to fight for higher wages, job security, safer working conditions, more paid time off, better medical leave options and longer breaks," the Amazon Labor Union said Thursday in a statement.

The group's president, Christian Smalls, worked for Amazon for 4 1/2 years and was fired in 2020 after participating in demonstrations protesting the company's Covid-19 policies. Smalls alleged his firing was retaliatory, but Amazon said he violated safety guidelines.

The ALU has been organizing for the past six months, hosting barbeques and handing out water near Amazon warehouses in the New York borough. Organizers say Amazon has already been employing "union-busting" tactics to create doubt in workers' minds about the benefits of membership.



Amazon workers at a fulfillment center in Bessemer, Alabama, voted not to join a union in April. But the results were challenged, and a federal official recommended that the labor board hold a fresh election. The Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, which led that campaign, alleged Amazon influenced the election by intimidating workers and pressuring them to cast votes in a mailbox the company had installed on its property in view of security cameras. Amazon denied any wrongdoing.

The Teamsters, whose members include delivery drivers for United Parcel Service Inc., are trying to organize Amazon warehouse workers in Canada.

The organizers of the union effort on Staten Island are bracing for pushback from the company. The first battle could come over which employees qualify for union representation, a classic tactic by employers looking to quash union elections.  


The pandemic put a spotlight on the plight of so-called essential workers, including those in Amazon's logistics and delivery operations, whose labor helped many people reduce their exposure by having goods delivered to their homes. Growing public support for such workers has helped revive the hopes of U.S. laborSome Amazon warehouse workers in Europe belong to unions, but the company's vast logistics workforce in the U.S. isn't unionized. Amazon says its warehouse workers earn at least $15 hour -- a point it repeatedly hammered in Bessemer, where such wages go a lot further than they do in New York. However, union members working in transportation and warehousing earned 34% more than non-union workers in 2020, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.


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Amazon Staten Island Warehouse Workers in Push to Unionize [feedly]

Amazon Staten Island Warehouse Workers in Push to Unionize
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-10-21/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-staten-island-push-to-unionize

text only:

More than two thousand workers at four Amazon.com Inc. facilities in Staten Island have signed a petition asking federal labor officials to greenlight an election to form a new union, the latest spasm of labor strife between the e-commerce giant and its large blue-collar workforce.

The newly formed Amazon Labor Union must submit signatures from 30% of the workers to meet federal requirements. The facilities on Staten Island employ approximately 7,000 people. The National Labor Relations Board will determine whether the organizers have met the threshold to hold an election.

"We intend to fight for higher wages, job security, safer working conditions, more paid time off, better medical leave options and longer breaks," the Amazon Labor Union said Thursday in a statement.

The group's president, Christian Smalls, worked for Amazon for 4 1/2 years and was fired in 2020 after participating in demonstrations protesting the company's Covid-19 policies. Smalls alleged his firing was retaliatory, but Amazon said he violated safety guidelines.

The ALU has been organizing for the past six months, hosting barbeques and handing out water near Amazon warehouses in the New York borough. Organizers say Amazon has already been employing "union-busting" tactics to create doubt in workers' minds about the benefits of membership.



Amazon workers at a fulfillment center in Bessemer, Alabama, voted not to join a union in April. But the results were challenged, and a federal official recommended that the labor board hold a fresh election. The Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union, which led that campaign, alleged Amazon influenced the election by intimidating workers and pressuring them to cast votes in a mailbox the company had installed on its property in view of security cameras. Amazon denied any wrongdoing.

The Teamsters, whose members include delivery drivers for United Parcel Service Inc., are trying to organize Amazon warehouse workers in Canada.

The organizers of the union effort on Staten Island are bracing for pushback from the company. The first battle could come over which employees qualify for union representation, a classic tactic by employers looking to quash union elections.  


The pandemic put a spotlight on the plight of so-called essential workers, including those in Amazon's logistics and delivery operations, whose labor helped many people reduce their exposure by having goods delivered to their homes. Growing public support for such workers has helped revive the hopes of U.S. laborSome Amazon warehouse workers in Europe belong to unions, but the company's vast logistics workforce in the U.S. isn't unionized. Amazon says its warehouse workers earn at least $15 hour -- a point it repeatedly hammered in Bessemer, where such wages go a lot further than they do in New York. However, union members working in transportation and warehousing earned 34% more than non-union workers in 2020, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.


 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Monday, October 11, 2021

Cutting the reconciliation bill to $1.5 trillion would support nearly 2 million fewer jobs per year [feedly]

Cutting the reconciliation bill to $1.5 trillion would support nearly 2 million fewer jobs per year
https://www.epi.org/blog/cutting-the-reconciliation-bill-to-1-5-trillion-would-support-nearly-2-million-fewer-jobs-per-year/

Congress may have bought itself another month to negotiate over the Biden-Harris administration's Build Back Better (BBB) agenda, but one thing is clear: Further reducing the scale and scope of the budget reconciliation package unequivocally means the legislation will support far fewer jobs and deliver fewer benefits to lift up working families and boost the economy as a whole.

How much will such compromise cost the U.S. economy? We crunched the numbers to find out what compromising on the BBB plan will mean for every state and congressional district in the United States. If the budget reconciliation package is cut from $3.5 trillion to $1.5 trillion—as Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV) has called for—nearly 2 million fewer jobs per year would be supported.

In a previous analysis, we showed that the BBB agenda—combining the Bipartisan Infrastructure Framework and the proposed $3.5 trillion budget reconciliation package—would support more than 4 million jobs annually. It would also make critical investments that would deliver relief to financially strained households, raise productivity, and dampen inflation pressures to enhance America's long-term economic growth prospects. David Brooks, the center-right New York Times columnist, recently captured the significance of these initiatives when he wrote that these are "economic packages that serve moral and cultural purposes. They should be measured by their cultural impact, not merely by some wonky analysis. In real, tangible ways, they would redistribute dignity back downward."

Senators Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ) are intent on scaling back Build Back Better's purpose. While Sen. Sinema has not publicly staked a position outlining her objections, Sen. Manchin has telegraphed a top-line spending figure of $1.5 trillion as the maximum he would support.

The $2 trillion gap left by Manchin's proposal cuts far deeper than any of the policy specifics he proposes eliminating. Even if he succeeded in eliminating all climate-related funding in the BBB agenda budget resolution, for example, Manchin's plan would still fall nearly $1.8 trillion short. Thus, for the purpose of our analysis, it makes most sense to assume that hewing to Sen. Manchin's demands would mean a proportional cut across all of the BBB agenda's individual initiatives (more on the methodologies used here and here).

Besides delivering fewer tangible benefits to typical families, scaling back Build Back Better also severely compromises the package's value as macroeconomic insurance against recovery waning in the coming years.

Absent the Build Back Better package, there is no guarantee of robust growth once the provisions of the American Rescue Plan—enacted in March of this year—begin fading out in earnest in mid-2022. The U.S. economy is not out of the woods yet. In past instances, policymakers have too often erred on the side of withdrawing fiscal support too early, resulting in protracted recoveries and prolonged spells of elevated unemployment, which ultimately undercut America's future economic potential. The BBB package would counter a potential slump and effectively support millions of jobs, especially if a host of plausible scenarios occur, including:

  • if private spending fails to sustain growth after the American Rescue Plan fades;
  • if the pandemic evolves and continues weighing on economic activity;
  • or if other unforeseen shocks to the economy emerge and threaten a robust recovery.

Scaling back the plan now, as Sens. Manchin and Sinema would like, will support millions fewer than the original package. In total, Sen. Manchin's proposal would support nearly 1.9 million fewer jobs per year than the Build Back Better agenda. Full results for each state and congressional district can be downloaded here and in the figures and table below.

  • Every state and Washington, D.C. would see fewer jobs supported under Sen. Manchin's proposal than the BBB agenda. The largest states would experience the largest absolute losses in jobs potential. California would see 211,853 fewer jobs per year, while Texas, New York, and Florida would see 149,050, 116,584, and 106,205 fewer jobs per year, respectively.
  • West Virginia would see 9,880 fewer jobs annually under Manchin's plan, equivalent to 1.33% of the state's overall employment. West Virginia would be no better off in terms of jobs in fossil fuel industries, but would see 900 fewer manufacturing jobs, 400 fewer construction jobs, and 3,800 fewer health care and social assistance jobs.
  • Arizona would see 35,564 fewer jobs per year, equal to 1.17% of state employment, including 2,500 fewer manufacturing jobs, 1,600 fewer construction jobs, and 11,400 fewer health care and social assistance jobs.
  • Alaska would be most impacted by fewer jobs under Manchin's proposal relative to the size of its economy, losing out on jobs equivalent to 1.39% of its total employment, but all states and DC would forego more than 1% of total employment.
  • All congressional districts will see fewer jobs supported under Manchin's proposal than under the BBB plan, ranging from 0.9 to 1.5% fewer jobs supported as a share of overall district-level employment.
  • Districts represented by so-called moderate House Democrats would take material hits to jobs under Manchin's plan relative to the BBB reconciliation plan. Rep. Josh Gottheimer's (D-NJ 5th) would see support for 7,700 fewer jobs per year in his district under Manchin's proposal and Rep. Stephanie Murphy (D-FL 7th) would see 7,600 fewer jobs. Altogether, the bloc of 10 moderate Democratic members would see 70,700 fewer jobs supported across their districts relative to the BBB plan.
  • Manchin and Sinema have become linchpins in this legislative negotiation to a large extent because of an ideological hollowing out of the "center" of Republican party officials. Supposedly moderate Senate Republicans would not even entertain engagement over the broader Biden-Harris economic agenda, but their constituencies, too, would be worse off under Sen. Manchin's proposal to cut the BBB agenda.
    • Maine would see 8,300 fewer jobs supported per year, or 1.3% of state employment.
    • Utah would see 16,600 fewer jobs per year.
    • Ohio would miss out on economic support for an additional 71,900 jobs annually.
Figure A
Figure A
Figure B
Figure B
Table 1
Table 1


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