Monday, June 11, 2018

Q&A on that crazy G7 meeitng: Trump, Trade, Tariffs, and Trouble [feedly]

Q&A on that crazy G7 meeitng: Trump, Trade, Tariffs, and Trouble
http://jaredbernsteinblog.com/qa-on-that-crazy-g7-meeitng-trump-trade-tariffs-and-trouble/

Trump at the G7 meeting? What could go wrong?

Apparently, his Orangeness gave the leaders of the free world a heavy dose of peak Trump this Saturday at the G7 meeting.

Basically, nothing newsworthy is supposed to happen at these meetings. The leaders spend a day or two together discussing mutual interests, and at the end of the summit, they release an anodyne statement renewing their vows to work together to promote cooperation and trade.

Not this time. The summit was quickly tagged the G6 plus 1 and you can guess the identity of the (very) odd guy out. Perhaps the NY Times headline can give you a flavor of how this played out: Trump Refuses to Sign G-7 Statement and Calls Trudeau 'Weak;' Tells Abe "Sushi Sucks!" [OK, I made up that last bit, but the rest is there in black and white.]

I can't speak to the diplomatic screw-up herein, though this outcome was predictable given the escalation of trade disputes in recent months, like Trumping up national security risks as a reason to put tariffs on imports from Canada and the EU.

But a number of trade issues came up in the summit, so here's a brief Q&A on the issues to which I pay attention.

Q: Is the global trading system as broken as team Trump says it is?

A: Not at all. Global trade flows have grown steadily over time, tariffs and non-tariff barriers have come down (though all the G7 countries, including our own, maintain many tariffs; see below). Exports and imports were 25 percent of GDP back in the 1960s; now they're 60 percent. These flows have introduced robust supply chains that support international commerce in goods, services, and finance. They contribute to lower prices and faster growth than would otherwise occur. Views may certainly differ as to the upsides and downsides of this evolution, but you'd be hard pressed to find an economist outside of the Trump administration who'd argue the system is broken.

Q: So, is Trump just over-emphasizing trade's downsides?

A: Perhaps he is, but for decades before he came on the scene, too few politicians acknowledged the reality that trade engendered benefits and costs. Before Trump, from the center-left to the center-right, politicians' answer to people's complaints about the damage from foreign competition to their livelihoods and communities was yet another trade deal with the false promise that this one would really help them. Trump recognized the political power of a populist attack on elites' refusal to acknowledge the downsides and he continues to press that attack.

Q: Is that why, after the meeting, he said, "We're like the piggy bank that everybody's robbing!"?

A: That's Trump making a fundamental mistake that he won't stop making: arguing that winning at trade means getting rid of our trade deficit. He views our trade deficit as a scorecard, and no one's going to convince him otherwise.

And yet, the vast majority of economists, who view our long imbalanced trade accounts as either wholly benign—"hey, if foreigners want to support our consuming more than we produce, let 'em!"—or as evidence of hyper-acquisitive Americans under-saving, are also wrong about the trade deficit. As Ken Austin and Michael Pettis explain, such thinking "is an egregious error of both logic and mathematics."

In other words, once again, Trump is onto something, but is distorting its importance and attacking the problem in a way sure to do more harm than good.

In strong economies, like today's, our trade deficit—a hefty -3.2 percent of GDP ($640 billion)—clearly isn't preventing us from closing in on full employment. Still, even in a strong job market, a deficit of that magnitude does mean fewer jobs in export sectors, as consumers' demands for manufactured goods are met with imports instead of out of domestic production. And in weak economies, the trade deficit can be a further drag on growth.

It's not that our trading partners are "robbing the U.S. piggy bank" as much as jamming it full of their excess savings. World trade must balance, so when those with whom we trade produce more than they consume, or save more than they invest, other countries must do the opposite: consume more than they produce and spend more than we save, i.e., run trade deficits. And because the U.S. dollar dominates other currencies in global commerce, "other countries" are us.

So, when they send us their excess savings (capital inflows), our trade deficit goes up. It makes no more sense to yell at Americans for dis-saving than it does to yell at the Chinese, Germans (and the Taiwanese, the Koreans, and others) for saving too much.

Sometimes those capital inflows get put to good use, sometimes they just inflate bubbles. But they always strengthen the dollar and thus put competitive pressures on our exporting sector.

Q: Wait up. So, now you're saying Trump's right, and he should be getting up in everybody's grill like he just did at the G7? Couldn't you please stop with the "on-the-one-hand-on-the-other-hand" for a minute and give it to us straight?

A: Sorry, and I hear you, but the topic is nuanced. Here it is as straight as I can put it.

Our persistent trade deficits remain a problem, both in terms of job quality and excess, bubble-inducing financial flows. But they won't be and never have been solved by tariffs. Instead, we must a) not allow the dollar to be overpriced, b) invest in our export sector, and c) really help the people and places who've been hurt by trade. Details here and here.

Q: So, Trump's wrong on tariffs? Are you saying his assertion that those seemingly mild-mannered Canadians place a 270 percent tax on milk imports is false?!

A: He's right about that! But again, he's missing the bigger picture and his tariff war will backfire.

This is another way in which team Trump on the policy community are talking past each other. Economists will tell you all day, correctly, that average tariffs in G7 economies have come down a great deal and are all in the low single-digit percentages. I myself recently made that argument to a senator from a big exporting state. He immediately countered with a long list of examples like the milk one above.

The fact is that all countries, including our own, protect certain sectors. We do less of it than others, but we have tariffs of "350 percent on smoking tobacco, 130 percent on peanuts and 99 percent on prepared groundnuts" and 25 percent on imported light trucks.

So, when Trump rails, as he did at the meeting, between proposing a "tariff-free G7" versus "we're going to stop trading with them," he's way out of his depth. Every tariff has a lobby behind it, if not a culture (the French countryside is dotted with lovely family farms that could not survive without protective tariffs and subsidies). They are an ingrained part of the trading system, they're not a problem on average, and the realistic play here is to accept that reality and try to negotiate them down in trade deals.

As for postponing trade with G7 or any other large trading partner, it's a meaningless claim. This is his standard "Art of the Deal, You're Fired" crap that is great fun on TV (if that's your thing), but meaningless in this context.

Moreover, his steel and aluminum tariffs, along with similar threats and actions will only hurt the many more Americans in industries that use these metals as inputs than those that produce them, while at the same time inviting retaliation in the form of higher tariffs on U.S. imports.

Q: So, where does this go next?

A: Nowhere good, I'm afraid. To circle back to the top, the system isn't broken, so misguided attempts to fix it will likely backfire. That could mean higher trade deficits and higher prices, but I'd guess these are marginal impacts, given that none of this bluster will majorly disrupt ongoing trade flows, and given our relatively low exposure to trade (we do a lot less of it than the other G7 countries; imports are just 15 percent of our GDP and only about 10 percent of consumer spending, less than half that of other G7 economies).

The worst thing about all this, aside from the diplomatic disruptions, is that Trump identified a real problem and was elected, at least in part, to do something about it. But neither he nor his team knows what to do.

And now they're headed for North Korea…



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Friday, June 8, 2018

Matthew Yglesias on Marxism: Capitalism is looking pretty shabby: (Late) Monday DeLong Smackdown/Hoisted



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Matthew Yglesias on Marxism: Capitalism is looking pretty shabby: (Late) Monday DeLong Smackdown/Hoisted // Grasping Reality with Both Hands: The Semi-Daily Journal Economist Brad DeLong
http://www.bradford-delong.com/2018/05/matthew-yglesias-on-marxism-capitalism-is-looking-pretty-shabby-late-monday-delong-smackdownhoisted.html

This is what I want when I call for a better class of DeLong Smackdowns! How do we think this looks not just nine years after my optimism in 2009 back at the end of the American century but five years after Matt wrote?:

Hoisted from the Archives: Matthew Yglesias (2013): May Day Marxism: Capitalism is looking pretty shabby: "DeLong reposted a very interesting 2009 talk... "Understanding Karl Marx"... that I would have enthusiastically endorsed in 2009 but which look weaker four years later...

...DeLong says that Marx the political activist was too pessimistic about the idea that the ruling class would agree to make economic growth pareto optimal within the context of a market economy:

[T]hat even though the ruling class could appease the working class by using the state to redistribute and share the fruits of economic growth it would never do so. They would be trapped by their own ideological legitimations--they really do believe that it is in some sense "unjust" for a factor of production to earn more than its marginal product. Hence social democracy would inevitably collapse before an ideologically-based right-wing assault, income inequality would rise, and the system would collapse or be overthrown. The Wall Street Journal editorial page works day and night 365 days a year to make Marx's prediction come true. But I think this, too, is wrong...

To me that unquestionably looked wrong as of 2009. But in the interim, those Wall Street Journal editorial page tendencies have grown much stronger... Rand-inflected moralism about market outcomes... reduced... Friedman-style pragmatism.... a sharply reduced emphasis... in... stabilization policy, in favor of a "let them eat cake/move to North Dakota" moralism about unemployment. Last but by no means least, it really has become the conventional wisdom among American elites that the appropriate policy response to fiscal imbalance in a time of high and rising income inequality is to restore balance by reducing the scope and generosity of social insurance programs.

Second:

Marx believed that capital is not a complement to but a substitute for labor. Thus technological progress and capital accumulation that raise average labor productivity also lower the working-class wage. Hence the market system simply could not deliver a good or half-good society but only a combination of obscene luxury and mass poverty. This is an empirical question. Marx's belief seems to me to be simply wrong...

This is an empirical question and I continue to believe that Marx's belief is wrong. But the fact is that profit margins are high and rising while wages are at best stagnating. My view is that this is a cyclical phenomenon that represents a failure of the technocratic apparatus of macroeconomic stabilization. But... I hear more and more people disagreeing... not only on the left but on the right.... The growing popularity of... ["]no this isn't a massive policy failure it just reflects the inevitable forces of technology/globalization["]... ties in to the first point about the apparatus of ideological legitimation.

In summary, I'm not a Marxist. But I worry that political conservatives are going to turn me into one.... The collapse of the Soviet Union, a good thing on its own terms, has had the bad consequence of breeding massive complacency among the upper classes in the West. It used to seem important to people in the rich countries to prove that market economies not only could but in fact would lead to broadly rising living standards. But today we're living in a 401(k) world...

#shouldread


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The big markups

Bernanke Says US Economy Faces a 'Wile E. Coyote' Moment in 2020 [feedly]

Bernanke Says US Economy Faces a 'Wile E. Coyote' Moment in 2020
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-06-07/bernanke-says-u-s-economy-faces-wile-e-coyote-moment-in-2020

U.S. economic growth could face a challenging slowdown as the Trump Administration's powerful fiscal stimulus fades after two years, according to former Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke.

Bernanke said the $1.5 trillion in personal and corporate tax cuts and a $300 billion increase in federal spending signed by President Donald Trump "makes the Fed's job more difficult all around" because it's coming at a time of very low U.S. unemployment.

"What you are getting is a stimulus at the very wrong moment," Bernanke said Thursday during a policy discussion at the American Enterprise Institute, a Washington think tank. "The economy is already at full employment."

The stimulus "is going to hit the economy in a big way this year and next year, and then in 2020 Wile E. Coyote is going to go off the cliff," Bernanke said, referring to the hapless character in the Road Runner cartoon series.

Ben Bernanke

Photographer: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg

Sorry, Mr. President, But Best Economy Was Eisenhower's (1)

The timing of Bernanke's possible slowdown would line up badly for Trump, who has called the current economy the best ever and faces reelection in late-2020.



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5 Things You Need to Know About the IMF and Climate Change [feedly]

5 Things You Need to Know About the IMF and Climate Change
https://blogs.imf.org/2018/06/08/5-things-you-need-to-know-about-the-imf-and-climate-change/

By Ian Parry

June 8, 2018

A polar bear on shrinking ice in the Arctic: climate change means the world is getting hotter (photo: Sven-Erik Arndt/Newscom)

The world is getting hotter, resulting in rising sea levels, more extreme weather like hurricanes, droughts, and floods, as well as other risks to the global climate like the irreversible collapsing of ice sheets. 

Here are five ways the IMF helps countries move forward with their strategies as part of their commitment to the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change.

  1. Mitigate emissions. Carbon taxes, or similar charges for the carbon content of coal, petroleum products, and natural gas, are potentially the most effective instruments to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, the major source of heat-trapping gases. These taxes are straightforward to administer, for example, building off existing fuel excises, and can raise significant revenue for government that they might use to cut other burdensome taxes on the economy, or fund growth-enhancing investments.

The IMF provides practical guidance on the design of fiscal policy to mitigate climate change. We are developing spreadsheet tools to help countries gauge the emissions, and broader fiscal and economic impacts of carbon pricing, and the trade-offs across alternative mitigation instruments like taxes on individual fuels, emissions trading, and incentives for energy efficiency.

For example, our annual economic review for China showed that a carbon tax, or just a tax on coal use, would be significantly more effective at reducing carbon and local air pollution emissions than emissions trading systems which do not cover emissions from vehicles and buildings, and would also raise substantial revenue.

And according to our forthcoming working paper, a $70 price per ton on carbon dioxide emissions in 2030, which would increase gasoline prices by about 60 cents per gallon, and more than triple coal prices, would be more than sufficient to meet mitigation pledges in some advanced and emerging market economies like China, India, Indonesia, and South Africa. That price would be nearly sufficient in some other countries like Turkey and the United States, but well short of what Australia, Canada, and come European countries need.

These differences in the ability of the $70 price to meet mitigation pledges reflect both differences in the stringency of commitments, and in the responsiveness of fuels and emissions to pricing. For example, emissions tend to be more responsive to pricing in countries that use a lot of coal, like China, India, and South Africa.

  1. Energy subsidy reform. Pricing carbon should be part of a broader strategy to reflect the full range of social costs in energy pricing. This includes deaths from air pollution and other local environmental side effects from fuel use. A spreadsheet tool provides, for all member countries, estimates of the energy prices needed to reflect supply, and all environmental costs, as well as the implicit subsidies from underpricing fossil fuels.

According to IMF estimates, efficient energy pricing would have reduced global carbon emissions in 2013 by over 20 percent, and fossil fuel air pollution deaths by over 50 percent, while raising revenues of 4 percent of GDP.

IMF case studies of numerous countries' reforms distill the ingredients for successful reform. One especially important ingredient is compensation for low-income households, which generally requires only a small fraction of the revenues generated from reform. We discuss energy price reforms as part of our annual review of a country's economy, as well as in our technical assistance work with countries like Saudi Arabia , Jordan, United Arab Emirates, and in our courses and workshops.

Pricing carbon should be part of a broader strategy to reflect the full range of social costs in energy pricing.

  1. Build resilience. IMF staff have been assessing strategies for building resilience to climate and natural disaster risks, for example in Nicaragua, Myanmar, Zimbabwe and other especially vulnerable countries.

Climate Change Policy Assessments, so far conducted for Belize, Seychelles and St. Lucia, take stock of countries' mitigation and adaption plans, risk-management strategies, and financing, and point to gaps where they need investment, policy changes, or help to build their capacity to address the effects of climate change.

IMF work is also helping to quantify the economic risks in vulnerable countries. For example, we estimate that the annual cost of natural disasters in low-income countries to be around 2 percent of GDP, or four times the impact on larger economies.

The IMF provides finance to help countries respond to the natural disasters and climate-related events. For example, during the 2015 Ebola crisis in West Africa, we established a trust fund to provide debt relief to poor countries hit by natural disasters. The IMF nearly doubled the amount countries can borrow following a large natural disaster.

  1. Greener financial sector. IMF staff analyze the ways in which climate risks impact financial stability. They also help identify best practices for stress tests to a country's financial sector as a whole, which reflect climate risks. Various Financial Sector Assessment Programs , from small island states like Samoa to big economies such as the United States and France, have included stress tests to gauge the effects of natural disasters on insurance companies, banks, and other financial institutions.
  2. International action. IMF staff also recommend countries coordinate at the multilateral level for example by establishing a minimum price for carbon, to complement and strengthen the Paris process. IMF staff are also involved in developing proposals for the design of carbon taxes for international transportation fuels.

There are many dimensions to climate change, and we are addressing them across the entire institution in collaboration with the World Bank and other international organizations, in terms of policy analysis and advise and our capacity development work.

You can read more about the IMF and climate change here.

Related Links:
The Unequal Burden of Rising Temperatures: How Can Low-Income Countries Cope?
Adapting to Climate Change—Three Success Stories
Climate Change Will Bring More Frequent Natural Disasters & Weigh on Economic Growth 
Chart of the Week: Electric Takeover in Transportation


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Trump Scorns 'Unfair Trade' at G-7, Plans to Leave Early [feedly]

Trump Scorns 'Unfair Trade' at G-7, Plans to Leave Early
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-06-08/trump-says-unfair-trade-to-dominate-g-7-as-he-heads-to-summit

The Group of Seven is kicking off with more Donald Trump threats on trade, cueing up a whirlwind 24 hours of talks between allies before the U.S. president leaves early.

"Looking forward to straightening out unfair Trade Deals with the G-7 countries. If it doesn't happen, we come out even better!" the president wrote on Twitter, hours before he's due to arrive in Quebec. "I am heading for Canada and the G-7 for talks that will mostly center on the long time unfair trade practiced against the United States."

The tweets confirm Trump will indeed come, after weeks of speculation he may cancel rather than endure widespread criticism from allies over steel and aluminum tariffs. Instead, he looks set to fire back with his America First mantra.

Other leaders, such as France's Emmanuel Macron, have warned they won't sign a joint statement that bows to Trump's wishes. "The American President may not mind being isolated, but neither do we mind signing a 6 country agreement if need be," he tweeted.

The G-7 summit is set up to be the most acrimonious in years, putting pressure on Justin Trudeau as host to bridge a divide between Trump and Europe, with Japan's Shinzo Abe poised to fall somewhere in the middle. Trump will leave the summit early to attend a summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.



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Thursday, June 7, 2018

Demographic Change in the Great Lakes Region [feedly]

Demographic Change in the Great Lakes Region
https://www.urban.org/research/publication/demographic-change-great-lakes-region

The Great Lakes states face economic, political and social challenges, and population dynamics will influence their future scope and intensity. This report explores population change in six Great Lakes states: Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Our analysis relies on census data from 1990 to 2015 and on population projections to 2040 from the Urban Institute's Mapping America's Futures model. Over the past 25 years, the population of the Great Lakes states has grown, though more slowly than the US as a whole. The population that is of prime working age has also been growing, and the states are becoming more racially and ethnically diverse. But if current migration patterns persist and population aging proceeds as expected, we project that the region's population growth will level off. The prime-working age population will decrease (both as an absolute number and as a share of the total population), and the pace of racial and ethnic diversity will increase slightly.
VISIT WEBSITE

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