Thursday, August 10, 2017

Braceros Organize After a Worker Dies [feedly]

Braceros Organize After a Worker Dies
https://talkingunion.wordpress.com/2017/08/09/braceros-organize-after-a-worker-dies/

By David Bacon
The American Prospect, 8/8/17
https://davidbaconrealitycheck.blogspot.com/2017/08/braceros-strike-after-one-worker-dies.html
http://prospect.org/

Picking blueberries on a Washington State farm. Risking deportation, Washington state farmworkers protest dangerous conditions in the fields
A farmworker's death in the broiling fields of Washington state has prompted his fellow braceros to put their livelihoods in jeopardy by going on strike, joining a union, being discharged – and risking deportation.

Honesto Silva Ibarra died in Harborview hospital in Seattle on Sunday night, August 6. Silva, a married father of three, was a guest worker – in Spanish, a "contratado" – brought to the United States under the H2-A visa program, to work in the fields.

Miguel Angel Ramirez Salazar, another contratado, says Silva went to his supervisor at Sarbanand Farms last week, complaining that he was sick and couldn't work. "They said if he didn't keep working he'd be fired for 'abandoning work.' But after a while he couldn't work at all."

Silva finally went to the Bellingham Clinic, about an hour south of the farm where he was working, in Sumas, close to the Canadian border. By then it was too late, however. He was sent to Harborview, where he collapsed and died.

Silva's death was the final shove that pushed the contratados into an action unprecedented in modern farm labor history. They organized and protested, and when they were fired for it, they joined Washington State's new union for farmworkers, Familias Unidas por la Justicia. As this article is being written, 120 H2A workers are sitting in tents on a patch of land near the ranch where they worked, protesting their treatment and demanding rights for guest workers.

On the website of CSI Visa Processing, which recruited Silva, Ramirez and others to work at Sarbanand Farms, a statement reads: "The compaƱero who is hospitalized, the cause was meningitis, an illness he suffered from before, and is not related to his work." Ramirez and other workers doubt that explanation. Silva had been working in the U.S. since May, and did not arrive with symptoms of meningitis. Instead, they insist that it was the consequence of increasingly bad conditions at the ranch.

According to Ramon Torres, president of Familias Unidas por la Justicia, H2-A workers at Sarbanand Farms had been complaining for weeks about bad food, temperatures in the 90s with no shade, warm drinking water and dirty bathrooms in the fields. In the last two weeks, the air near the border became smoky from forest fires just to the north in Canada, making it hard to breathe. Some workers fainted amid the blueberry plants where they were picking.

When Silva collapsed and went to the hospital, a group went to the ranch management and asked for safer working conditions. When they were turned away, they organized a one-day strike on Friday, August 4. Familias Unidas por la Justicia, which just signed its first union contract with Sakuma Brothers Farms in nearby Burlington, held its first convention that Friday. When the H2-A workers came from Sarbanand Farms, they decided to join.

The following day, 70 were fired. "They told all of us in the work stoppage we were fired for insubordination," another worker, Barbaro Rosas Olibares, told FUJ organizer Maru Mora Villapando in a video interview. The CSI statement insists: "Eleven people were fired for questions of insubordination, which is a legal cause."

While most workers in the U.S. are covered by laws that make such retaliation for striking a legal violation, farmworkers generally have no such protection except in the few states, like California, that have given agricultural workers those rights. H2-A workers have even fewer rights and protections. The visa they're given when they come to work in the U.S. binds them to the employer who recruited them. If they lose that job, they lose the visa and become deportable. They have no legal standing to sue their employer in a U.S. court.

It was therefore remarkable that not only did the Sarbanand workers strike in protest over bad conditions, but that after they were fired they did not leave the country. The company told the fired workers they would not pay them immediately for their final four days of work, but instead would send a check to their address in Mexico — a violation of H2-A regulations. The workers were given an hour to clear their belongings out of the company's labor camp, leaving them standing outside with no money.

Sarbanand's recruiter, CSI Visa Processing, took some to a local bus station, but didn't buy them a ticket home. This violates another H2-A recruitment regulation, which requires recruiters to pay transportation to and from the jobsite in the United States. In the meantime, workers reached out to union president Torres and also to Community2Community, a farmworker advocacy and immigrant rights organization in northwest Washington. Together, they found a private residence near the Sarbanand location, whose owners agreed to let the fired workers camp on their land while deciding on their next course of action. Local supporters brought out tents and a generator, and an encampment quickly sprang up.

The workers marched back to the ranch and demonstrated outside. "They formed a committee among themselves," Torres says, "and another 50 workers left the ranch and joined them, even though the [Whatcom County Sheriff] deputies and local police were threatening to call immigration."

Torres says other workers have suffered from partial facial paralysis, and three are now living at the camp. In the video interview, Rosas Olibares held a placard denouncing local authorities for turning a blind eye to their conditions. It read:

County & City – Your Blindness = GUILTY
– Suppression of immigrant workers rights
-Workers open to threats of deportation!
-Immigrant workers dying HERE/NOW
County & City – You are complicit through neglect!
How do you sleep at night?

According to H2-A worker Ramirez, "We just want respect for our rights – firing us was very unjust. We also want to continue working until the end of our contract." Ramirez has been working as a contratado for 15 years, picking tobacco in North Carolina and Kentucky, and for the last two years, blueberries in northwest Washington State. Last winter he signed a contract in the office of CSI Visa Processors in his hometown of Santiago Ixcuintla in the Mexican state of Nayarit. Under the terms of that contract he was guaranteed a minimum of five months of work, until October 25.

Ramirez was then taken to Nogales on the U.S.-Mexico border and given a visa. "But I saw that it was only good until June 30," he recalls. "When I asked, they said they'd fix it. But they never did."

Over 250 workers were recruited in the Nayarit office, he says, one of nine that CSI has in Mexico. They were brought to Delano, in California's San Joaquin Valley, on May 7. There they began picking blueberries at Munger Farms, a large grower and partner in the giant Naturipe growers partnership. Then, on July 1, the day after the visa of Ramirez and many others expired, they were transported to the Sarbanand Farms ranch in Washington State, where they continued picking. Sarbanand is a subsidiary of Munger Farms, owned by the family of Baldev and Kable Munger.

CSI's statement insists the workers "received an authorization by the government of the U.S. for this second contract, [and] none of them are out of legal status." Yet after the turmoil started last week, one worker tried to buy an airline ticket back home to Mexico, and was refused because his visa had expired. "We don't know what will happen now," Torres says. "What we believe is that workers have the right to protest and organize, and shouldn't be punished for that by being denied the work they were promised."

"I think we have to get organized," Ramirez adds. "I'm willing to work hard, but they put such pressure on us – that's the biggest problem. I have a 16-year-old son back home in Mexico. What would happen to him if I died here, like Honesto did?"
Reposted from The American Prospect

In the Fields of the North / En los Campos del Norte
Photographs and text by David Bacon
University of California Press / Colegio de la Frontera Norte

302 photographs, 450pp, 9"x9"
paperback, $34.95

En Mexico se puede pedir el libro en el sitio de COLEF:
https://www.colef.mx


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Facing the facts about coal booms, climate change and West Virginia political leaders [feedly]

Facing the facts about coal booms, climate change and West Virginia political leaders
http://blogs.wvgazettemail.com/coaltattoo/2017/08/09/facing-the-facts-about-coal-booms-climate-change-and-west-virginia-political-leaders/

President Donald Trump talks with West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice during a rally Thursday, Aug. 3, 2017, in Huntington, W.Va. Justice, a Democrat, announced that he is switching parties to join the Republicans. (AP Photo/Darron Cummings)

Here in West Virginia, the big political story over the last week has obviously been Gov. Jim Justice's return to the Republican party.

Some of the media are of course very interested in promoting one of the governor's reasons— this pretty far-out idea that the federal government is going to start subsidizing Appalachian steam coal production to the tune of $15 a ton.

There's also a lot of interest in continuing to promote the sort of pandering that Gov. Justice (not to mention President Trump) are pushing that there's a huge coal boom just around the corner. This is a comforting thought, both to state political leaders and to many of our fellow West Virginians. Just look at the last of those silly "Jim was right" press releases that Gov. Justice's press office put out back while he was still a Democrat.

A huge coal boom would mean none of us would have to do the really hard work of building other kinds of economies in our coalfield communities — at least not right now. And it's true that there has been an increase in coal jobs in West Virginia over the last three quarters. Taylor Kuykendall, the go-to guy among the media for these kind of numbers, explained last week:

Coal jobs in West Virginia are up 18.3% year over year in the second quarter, according to a new S&P Global Market Intelligence analysis of federal data, and up about 12.2% compared to the fourth quarter of 2016. The year-over-year increase represents about 2,132 jobs, while the increase from the final quarter of 2016 represents about 1,493 jobs.

But keep in mind, if you go back further than the last few quarters, or a year-over-year comparison, the increase in jobs doesn't come anywhere close to rebuilding the sort of coal-based economy that politicians would have you believe is going to reappear.  Data from the U.S. Mine Safety and Health Administration shows that West Virginia lost 13,000 coal jobs between the post-2000 high mark in the 4th quarter of 2011 and the low point in the 3rd quarter of 2016. Our state lost half of its coal-mining jobs in just that five-year period. We've only gained back a fraction of those. And the projections don't suggest the jobs are going to keep coming back.

Take a look at the new short-term energy forecast out this week from the U.S. Energy Information Administration:

Coal exports for the first five months of 2017 were 37 million short tons (MMst), which was 60% higher than coal exports over the same period last year. EIA expects growth in coal exports to slow in the coming months, with exports for all of 2017 forecast at 70 MMst, 17% above the 2016 level. The increase in coal exports contributes to an expected 58 MMst (8%) increase in coal production in 2017. In 2018, coal production is forecast to increase by 10 MMst (1%).

Maybe all the projections are wrong, and coal in West Virginia has a really bright future.  That seems pretty unlikely, and a tremendously risky bet for our state. But even if you assume for the sake of argument that it happenes, when are our political leaders going to start talking seriously about what they're going to do about black lung, or about the environmental and public health damage from mountaintop removal? Or about the safety rules that their new buddy President Trump is reversing? What about the increase so far this year in coal-mining deaths?

More importantly, exactly what would a coal boom mean for the climate crisis?

The recent attention given by the media (by the New York TimesWashington PostAssociated Press and others) to the latest national climate assessment by our nation's best scientists paints a pretty dark present and future (from the AP story):

The assessment said global temperatures will continue to rise without steep reductions in the burning of fossil fuels, with increasingly dire effects on the lives of every American.

Even if humans stop spewing heat-trapping gases today, the world will warm another half a degree (0.3 degrees Celsius), the report said, citing high confidence in those calculations. Scientists, such as Stanford University's Chris Field, say that even a few tenths of a degree of warming can have a dramatic impact on human civilization and the natural environment.

"Every increment in warming is an increment in risk," said Field, who wasn't part of the report but reviewed it for The National Academy of Sciences.

As for coal, here's what that scientific report had to say:

Carbon emissions and economic growth may be beginning to decouple, as global 20 economies led by China and the United States phase out coal and begin the transition to 21 renewable, non-carbon energy … 

But:

The cumulative carbon emissions that would allow the world to meet a given global temperature target can also be compared to known fossil fuel reserves to calculate how much of their carbon would have to "stay in the ground" to meet these targets, in the absence of widespread carbon capture and storage … 

It is estimated that to meet the 2°C (3.6°F) target, two thirds of known global fossil fuel reserves would need to remain in the ground. Accounting for the differing carbon content of various types of fuels, in order to meet the 2°C target one third of oil reserves, half of gas reserves, and over 80% of coal reserves would need to remain unused, as well as any new unconventional, undeveloped, or undiscovered resources .

For more on that, you could read the paper that the new report cites, "The geographical distribution of fossil fuels unused when limiting global warming to 2 °C," published two years ago by the journal Nature.  Among other things, the paper reports:

Our results show that policy makers' instincts to exploit rapidly and completely their territorial fossil fuels are, in aggregate, inconsistent with their commitments to this temperature limit …  These results demonstrate that a stark transformation in our understanding of fossil fuel availability is necessary. Although there have previously been fears over the scarcity of fossil fuels, in a climate-constrained world this is no longer a relevant concern: large portions of the reserve base and an even greater proportion of the resource base should not be produced if the temperature rise is to remain below 2°C .

What West Virginia political leader will even try to face these facts?


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Sunday, August 6, 2017

CEO pay remains high relative to the pay of typical workers and high-wage earners | Economic Policy Institute

In Case You Missed It…



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In Case You Missed It… // Center on Budget: Comprehensive News Feed
https://www.cbpp.org/blog/in-case-you-missed-it-365

This week at CBPP, we focused on the federal budget and taxes, health, Social Security, housing, state budgets and taxes, and the economy.


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Jobs day! More solid jobs gains…but wage growth still not responding



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Jobs day! More solid jobs gains…but wage growth still not responding // Jared Bernstein | On the Economy
http://jaredbernsteinblog.com/jobs-day-more-solid-jobs-gains-but-wage-growth-still-not-responding/

The nation's employment rolls went up 209,000 last month, and the unemployment rate ticked down slightly to 4.3%. The underlying pace of job gains, shown below, suggests a solid, healthy labor market characterized by strong employer demand for workers. That said, wage growth remains remarkably subdued. Taken together, these two facts imply that while we're closing in on full employment, we're not there yet.

To get at the underlying trend just mentioned, our jobs-day smoother takes some of the noise out of the jumpy monthly data by averaging job gains over 3-, 6-, and 12-month periods. There's been a slight acceleration of job growth over the past three months, but broadly speaking, net payrolls are rising at a rate of between 180-190 thousand over the past year. That's strong enough job growth to continue placing downward pressure on the unemployment rate.

Typically, downward pressure on unemployment means some degree of upward pressure on wage growth. But as the next two figures reveal (average hourly wage growth, yr/yr, for all and non-supervisory—blue collar and non-managerial—workers), while nominal wage growth initially caught a buzz, rising from about 2 to around 2.5%, it's gotten stuck at 2.5 (a bit lower for the mid-level workers) and hasn't accelerated further even as the job market has continued to tighten.

One explanation for this lack of correlation is that the job market still has some slack, and that's suppressing the extent of worker bargaining clout that we'd historically associate with the low unemployment rate and steady, sizable monthly gains we see in these data.

In that spirit, this is a good time to evaluate a spate of slack measures. Here's a list of "where they were at their trough and where they are today" for some key labor market indicators:

–Monthly job losses/gains have swung from an average monthly loss of 773,000 in the first quarter of 2009 (i.e., your worst nightmare) to an average gain of 195,000 over the last three months.

–Unemployment fell from a high of 10% in Oct of 2009 to 4.3% last month.

–Underemployment fell from a high of 17.1% in April of 2010 to 8.6% last month.

–Involuntary part-time work has fallen from 9.2 million in September of 2010 (6.6% of employment) to 5.3 million in July (3.4% of employment), slightly down from where it was in June.

–The closely watched labor force participation rate is up from a low of 62.4% in September of 2015, but only moderately, ticking from 62.8% in June to 62.9% last month, which is back to where it was at the beginning of 2017. Some of this represents aging boomers leaving the labor force, but some represents ongoing slack.

–That "slack" point re labor supply is underscored by looking at the prime-age (25-54, so few retirees in there) employment rate, which climbed from a low of 74.8% in November of 2010 to a post-recession high of 78.7% this month (up from 78.5% last month); it is now over 70% of the way back to its January 2007 level, 80.3%.

So, clear evidence of labor market tightening, but, at least as far as the prime-age workers go, still some potential labor supply to be tapped.

Sticking with the wage theme for one more moment, clearly the so-called wage Phillips Curve—the correlation between wage growth and the level of unemployment—must be very flat. The next figure takes a little work to absorb but it's really worth it, IMHO (h/t to its creator, Ben S!). The figure plots unemployment against the annual change in average hourly earnings for blue-collar and non-managerial workers, basically mid-level earners (each data point represents a different month). During the 1990s recovery, a period of chock full employment when real wages grew solidly across the pay scale, you clearly see the expected negative slope. But in this recovery, it's flat as a pancake.

As I said, that's partly remaining slack, but there are other factors in play. One hypothesis is that the combination of high inequality and low productivity is part of the problem. Productivity growth is much slower now than in the latter 1990s, when wages were more responsive to labor market tautness. That meant employers could provide wage gains and still maintain their profit margins. With output per hour growing more slowly, in tandem with worker bargaining power that's still too weak, employers are keeping profit margins up and holding down the growth of pay packets.

I'll have more to say about the sectoral job changes in July later—running off to play some chin music on MSNBC around 10:30. Manufacturing employment is up a touch in recent months—28K jobs over the past two months—possibly reflecting the benefits to the sector of the falling dollar, though it's too soon to tell if this is a new, improved trend.

Finally, need I say, I strongly recommend you assiduously ignore any president who argues that his awesomeness is behind these job gains (though he'd be far from the first to claim such credit). This momentum was fully in place before Trump got here, and the best I can say for him is that he hasn't screwed it up…yet.


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Gaining Currency: The Rise of the Renminbi



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Gaining Currency: The Rise of the Renminbi // IMF Blog
https://blogs.imf.org/2017/08/04/gaining-currency-the-rise-of-the-renminbi/amp/

By IMFBlog

August 4, 2017

Eswar Prasad at an IMF conference (photo: Staff/IMF)

 

As China's economy catches up in size with that of the United States, some economists predict that the renminbi will soon challenge the dollar's dominance in international finance.

 But in this podcast, Cornell University's Eswar Prasad says there are limits to how far China's currency can go without undertaking significant domestic reforms.

 

Prasad, a former IMF economist himself, was invited to IMF headquarters in Washington, DC to talk about his new book, Gaining Currency: The Rise of the Renminbi, on the relevance of the Chinese renminbi in today's global economy.

 

The renminbi—created in 1949 when the People's Republic of China was formed—didn't really play much of a big role in international finance until a few years ago, Prasad says. And in this podcast, he describes the renminbi's addition last year to the IMF's Special Drawing Right basket of major currencies as remarkable, given China's capital account remains relatively closed and its financial markets underdeveloped.

 

"One could argue—and some have," Prasad says, "that the renminbi does not meet the traditional prerequisites of a reserve currency, but it has become a reserve currency, and one that is playing a big role in international financial markets," Prasad says.

 

Prasad says China's desire to have the renminbi take its place on the international stage would require a lot of heavy lifting including developing domestic financial markets and institutions, an independent central bank, and the rule of law.

 

"For many pro-reform-minded policymakers in China, the notion of the renminbi becoming a major global currency is not an end in itself, but it serves a very useful purpose in providing a framework for getting around opposition to domestic reforms."

 

On whether the renminbi could challenge the US dollar on international currency dominance, Prasad says, "If China plays its cards right, it could become a significant international payments currency—perhaps even a significant reserve currency—but it's highly unlikely to be a safe haven currency that challenges the dollar's dominance."

 

Listen to the full podcast, and read more on the renminbi in the SDR basket, a review of Prasad's book in IMF Finance & Development magazine, and another IMF podcast on the renminbi's potential in the international arena.

 


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