Sunday, August 7, 2016

Marxism, Leninism and a new language of revolution (and evolution)

Marxism, Leninism and a new language of revolution (and evolution)

I recently witnessed a extended, actually recurring, dispute between two trends running simultaneously through  several Left parties/orgs. I won't name them because it will only distract from an underlying thematic unity (or perhaps thematic discord) I hope to illuminate.

The left trends were roughly -- not neatly, but roughly --  divided between those favoring Bernie, or favoring Hillary in the Democratic presidential primary.

The ones that favored Hillary, like not a few African-American, Latino, labor and women voters, mainly did so out of insufficient knowledge about Bernie Sanders. To anyone who has been around the "Left" for long, there are a lot of loudmouthed, capable agitators, but not many with any actual governing experience or demonstrated legislative ability.  So its not unnatural or perverse to expect many to withhold judgement in a campaign where the democratic and basic economic stakes are so high. Bernies numbers improved in all areas, but especially among youth, as people got to know him better. But skepticism remained that he was "too left" to be the effective leadership of the "anti-right" coalition, a concept also drenched in a long US Marxist theoretical history. 

Some in this trend expected Sanders to do a Nader and split the anti-Trump vote. There are plenty of Left trends that would gladly do that; and some Sanders supporters who are nearly in mourning, shocked over Sanders endorsement of Clinton. But the latter was no surprise to anyone who knew or worked with Bernie Sanders over the years. Nor was the seriousness and tenacity of his campaign a surprise. Bernie runs to win, not make some loser statement or strike a pose. He understands governing. He understands majorities. And he has been utterly loyal to his working class base and values for his entire political career. But not everyone knew these things. 

On the other hand there are those, thankfully dwindling in number, who, at the first sign of support for Clinton, start dragging out 100, or 150, year old phrases from Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin, or from the catalog of "Marxism", or "Leninism", in rants against bourgeois political parties, compromises with IMperialism and Wall Street, and so-called "lesser-evilism".  For these folks, the perfect is very often the enemy of the good. They adopt "principled" postures and then wash their hands of the contest between the Clinton Coalition and the Trump fascist excrescence, or damn her with faint praise while passing on garbage from the right wing lie machine, as if there was nothing really important at stake.   Maybe not for them (there is a hint of privilege in that "posture") -- but the latter sentiment is not a working class unity perspective, strategy or tactic.

Soon a debate of contrasting phrases and concepts that stretch over the length of socialist history in the United States and the world for a century and a half are trotted out again and again  to bolster one tendency or another. Should we look in Lenin's State and Revolution, or Left wing Communism? Should we consult Marx's The Manifesto, or the debate with utopian socialism in the Gotha Program? I know of only one participant in all the recent debates along these themes, on several socialist listservs, and webinars, that bothered to provide the ACTUAL HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT for his review of Lenin's concerns on how non-Russians might easily misunderstand Russian revolutionary politics and apply tactics, especially in the more advanced capitalist countries, in very dangerous and inappropriate ways. Providing that context took some time, and preparation -- because it relates circumstances that are light years away from listeners in 2016 in the US. 

Was that presentation enlightening and useful? Yes. If you take the time to immerse yourself in the context, a study of Lenin and/or Marx will yield many rewards. But is there not a shorter, less conflicted and less remote, path to a set of values and objectives that can do what Bernie has done -- without dogma of any kind -- for working class unity in reversing austerity? The lions share of  "Marxist" or "Leninist", phrase-making is without such foundations as provided by my learned friend.. And thus, on balance, the transition of a debate into "Marxist" terms, is often a transition toward confusion and further division, not clarity, politically. It is a vocabulary of disunity, in part because there is no credible way to attach the terms and concepts to immediate experience without a staggering measure of interpretation. Shared experience is the heartbeat of shared humanity, and the fountain of understanding.


Listening to the debates in "Marxist" vocabulary (I put the term in quotes to suggest a sharp distinction between the ism, and Marx), the entire example and meaning of Sanders historic campaign --- WHICH WAS DOGMA FREE -- and remained focused on higher wages, the 99% and equality, can be easily lost forever in an ensuing debate about what the "Leninist", or "Marxist" authoritative answer to the 2016 US Democratic primary might be.

The vocabulary of revolutionary and evolutionary struggles to raise and advance the interests of working people can and must be reframed in exclusively democratic terms, to be of use in uniting  working class and all democratic forces to reverse austerity and bring globalization under broader, multipolar and  democratic control. Most socialists actually picture socialism as a perfected democracy, with or without any capitalists still around, but a society in line with a "perfect union".  Working on perfecting democracy gets all of us where we want to go. 

So a new theory of democracy must also be advanced alongside these struggles. I have been reading and re-reading with great interest and pleasure the Schumpeterians (a student of Marx), and there is a lot of economic heterodox theory that is more useful than classical theory as the pace of technological change (and the economic and social and financial structure changes/cycles associated) increases. 

While we see a lot of ideological work in social and economic sciences, the meaning of an "economic democracy" that can still grow to satisfy human wants is still very imprecise and far from comprehensive. This includes what mix of public and private works aligns best with a particular society, culture, geography. These questions are burning for longer range sustainable answers, but remain not well defined, despite being critically important to understand at every level of government, including ward or community leadership.

We need not just a political theory, but a list simple values, perhaps, indeed, commandments for leadership (which in a perfected democracy includes every citizen) that, if emboldened and made sacred by example, summarize the humanity of the democratic quest: simplicity, peace, integrity, community, equality, stewardship We will need warriors too, while imperfections remain to threaten, so we will have to add to the values of strength, sacrifice and  solidarity with those who do the work of the world..

This point of this post is easy to summarize




To "Marxist" Sanders supporters: Be like Bernie: drop the dogma.

To "Marxist" Clinton supporters: Be like Bernie. drop the dogma.



John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV

The Winners and Losers Radio Show
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Half the Population lives in the shaded areas





John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV

The Winners and Losers Radio Show
Sign UP HERE to get the Weekly Program Notes.

Re: [CCDS Members] Fareed Zakaria: The unbearable stench of trump

John Case writes:
Harry Frankfurt concludes that liars and truth-tellers are both acutely aware of facts and truths. They are just choosing to play on opposite sides of the same game to serve their own ends. The B.S. artist, however, has lost all connection with reality. He pays no attention to the truth. "By virtue of this," Frankfurt writes, "bullshit is a greater enemy of truth than lies are."
 
A friend of mine was once an assistant DA in a California city. He was amazed at how cops would lie on the witness stand. He told me they had it perfected: Just lie about a few things and change everything.
 
So one could argue that an obvious bullshit artist is not worse than a devious liar. Especially when the deep state is on the devious liar's side.
 
Per Fagereng 
 
From: John Case
Sent: Sunday, August 7, 2016 7:53 AM
Subject: [CCDS Members] Fareed Zakaria: The unbearable stench of trump
 

Fareed Zakaria

 

A few days ago, I was asked on CNN to make sense of one more case in which Donald Trump had said something demonstrably false and then explained it away with a caustic tweet and an indignant interview. I repliedthat there was a pattern here and a term for a person who did this kind of thing: a "bullshit artist." I got cheers and boos for the comment from partisans on both sides, but I was not using that label casually. Trump is many things, some of them dark and dangerous, but at his core, he is a B.S. artist.

Harry Frankfurt, an eminent moral philosopher and former professor at Princeton, wrote a brilliant essay in 1986 called "On Bullshit." (Frankfurt himself wrote about Trump in this vein, as have Jeet Heer and Eldar Sarajlic.) In the essay, Frankfurt distinguishes crucially between lies and B.S.: "Telling a lie is an act with a sharp focus. It is designed to insert a particular falsehood at a specific point. . . . In order to invent a lie at all, [the teller of a lie] must think he knows what is true."

But someone engaging in B.S., Frankfurt says, "is neither on the side of the true nor on the side of the false. His eye is not on the facts at all . . . except insofar as they may be pertinent to his interest in getting away with what he says." Frankfurt writes that the B.S.-er's "focus is panoramic rather than particular" and that he has "more spacious opportunities for improvisation, color, and imaginative play. This is less a matter of craft than of art. Hence the familiar notion of the 'bullshit artist.' "

This has been Trump's mode all his life. He boasts — and boasts and boasts — about his business, his buildings, his books, his wives. Much of it is a concoction of hyperbole and falsehoods. And when he's found out, he's like that guy we have all met at a bar who makes wild claims but when confronted with the truth, quickly responds, "I knew that!"

Take, for instance, the most extraordinary example, his non-relationship with Vladimir Putin. In May 2014, addressing the National Press Club, Trump said, "I was in Russia, I was in Moscow recently and I spoke, indirectly and directly, with President Putin, who could not have been nicer." In November 2015, at a Fox Business debate, he said of Putin, "I got to know him very well because we were both on '60 Minutes.' "

Did Trump really believe that you could say something like that on live TV and no one would check? Did he think that no one would notice that the "60 Minutes" show consisted of two separate prerecorded interviews, with Putin in Moscow and Trump in New York? (By that logic, I have gotten to know Franklin Roosevelt very well because I have run some clips of him on my television show.)

In fact, Trump was bullshitting. He sees himself as important, a global celebrity, the kind of man who should or could have met Putin. Why does it matter that they did not actually meet?

Or look at the issue that fueled his political rise, birtherism. Trump said in 2011 that he had sent investigators to Hawaii and that "they cannot believe what they're finding." For weeks, he continued to imply that there were huge findings to be released. He hinted to George Stephanopoulos, "We're going to see what happens." That was five years ago, in April 2011. Nothing happened.

In fact, it appears highly unlikely that Trump ever sent any investigators to Hawaii. In 2011, Salon asked Trump attorney Michael Cohen for details about the investigators. Cohen said that it was all very secret, naturally. Trump has said the same about his plan to defeat the Islamic State, which he can't reveal. He has boasted that he has a strategy to win solidly Democratic states this fall, but he won't reveal which ones. (Even by Trump's standards, this one is a head-scratcher. Won't we notice when he campaigns in these places? Or will it be so secret that even the voters won't know?) Of course, these are not secret strategies. It's just B.S.

Harry Frankfurt concludes that liars and truth-tellers are both acutely aware of facts and truths. They are just choosing to play on opposite sides of the same game to serve their own ends. The B.S. artist, however, has lost all connection with reality. He pays no attention to the truth. "By virtue of this," Frankfurt writes, "bullshit is a greater enemy of truth than lies are."

We see the consequences. As the crazy talk continues, standard rules of fact, truth and reality have disappeared in this campaign. Donald Trump has piled such vast quantities of his trademark product into the political arena that the stench is now overwhelming and unbearable.

 

John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV
 
The Winners and Losers Radio Show
Sign UP HERE to get the Weekly Program Notes.


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Fareed Zakaria: The unbearable stench of trump

Fareed Zakaria


A few days ago, I was asked on CNN to make sense of one more case in which Donald Trump had said something demonstrably false and then explained it away with a caustic tweet and an indignant interview. I repliedthat there was a pattern here and a term for a person who did this kind of thing: a "bullshit artist." I got cheers and boos for the comment from partisans on both sides, but I was not using that label casually. Trump is many things, some of them dark and dangerous, but at his core, he is a B.S. artist.

Harry Frankfurt, an eminent moral philosopher and former professor at Princeton, wrote a brilliant essay in 1986 called "On Bullshit." (Frankfurt himself wrote about Trump in this vein, as have Jeet Heer and Eldar Sarajlic.) In the essay, Frankfurt distinguishes crucially between lies and B.S.: "Telling a lie is an act with a sharp focus. It is designed to insert a particular falsehood at a specific point. . . . In order to invent a lie at all, [the teller of a lie] must think he knows what is true."

But someone engaging in B.S., Frankfurt says, "is neither on the side of the true nor on the side of the false. His eye is not on the facts at all . . . except insofar as they may be pertinent to his interest in getting away with what he says." Frankfurt writes that the B.S.-er's "focus is panoramic rather than particular" and that he has "more spacious opportunities for improvisation, color, and imaginative play. This is less a matter of craft than of art. Hence the familiar notion of the 'bullshit artist.' "

This has been Trump's mode all his life. He boasts — and boasts and boasts — about his business, his buildings, his books, his wives. Much of it is a concoction of hyperbole and falsehoods. And when he's found out, he's like that guy we have all met at a bar who makes wild claims but when confronted with the truth, quickly responds, "I knew that!"

Take, for instance, the most extraordinary example, his non-relationship with Vladimir Putin. In May 2014, addressing the National Press Club, Trump said, "I was in Russia, I was in Moscow recently and I spoke, indirectly and directly, with President Putin, who could not have been nicer." In November 2015, at a Fox Business debate, he said of Putin, "I got to know him very well because we were both on '60 Minutes.' "

Did Trump really believe that you could say something like that on live TV and no one would check? Did he think that no one would notice that the "60 Minutes" show consisted of two separate prerecorded interviews, with Putin in Moscow and Trump in New York? (By that logic, I have gotten to know Franklin Roosevelt very well because I have run some clips of him on my television show.)

In fact, Trump was bullshitting. He sees himself as important, a global celebrity, the kind of man who should or could have met Putin. Why does it matter that they did not actually meet?

Or look at the issue that fueled his political rise, birtherism. Trump said in 2011 that he had sent investigators to Hawaii and that "they cannot believe what they're finding." For weeks, he continued to imply that there were huge findings to be released. He hinted to George Stephanopoulos, "We're going to see what happens." That was five years ago, in April 2011. Nothing happened.

In fact, it appears highly unlikely that Trump ever sent any investigators to Hawaii. In 2011, Salon asked Trump attorney Michael Cohen for details about the investigators. Cohen said that it was all very secret, naturally. Trump has said the same about his plan to defeat the Islamic State, which he can't reveal. He has boasted that he has a strategy to win solidly Democratic states this fall, but he won't reveal which ones. (Even by Trump's standards, this one is a head-scratcher. Won't we notice when he campaigns in these places? Or will it be so secret that even the voters won't know?) Of course, these are not secret strategies. It's just B.S.

Harry Frankfurt concludes that liars and truth-tellers are both acutely aware of facts and truths. They are just choosing to play on opposite sides of the same game to serve their own ends. The B.S. artist, however, has lost all connection with reality. He pays no attention to the truth. "By virtue of this," Frankfurt writes, "bullshit is a greater enemy of truth than lies are."

We see the consequences. As the crazy talk continues, standard rules of fact, truth and reality have disappeared in this campaign. Donald Trump has piled such vast quantities of his trademark product into the political arena that the stench is now overwhelming and unbearable.


John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV

The Winners and Losers Radio Show
Sign UP HERE to get the Weekly Program Notes.

Stiglitz: Trump and the damage done

Trump and the damage done

Joe Stiglitz


ONE OF Donald Trump's slogans is "Make America Great Again." The irony is that probably never before has a presidential candidate done so much damage — damage that will be hard to repair even if he is not elected.

In a democracy, each elected government has the intrinsic right to change policy; each president has the right to try to persuade Congress to support his priorities. Thus, in a democracy, a "commitment" is always temporary, but the credibility of a country and its government is based on confidence that there will be sufficient continuity among successive governments. Historically, in the United States, foreign policy has been largely bipartisan. At its base, such continuity is based on the premise that there is a broad social consensus. Governments seek to achieve political sustainability of the policies that they enact by working to achieve broad support, often through compromise and cooperation among all elements of society.

Regrettably, the Republican right has sought to polarize the United States. They enacted, sometimes with support of conservative and center-left Democrats, policies that led to the "great divide" between the rich and poor in the United States — to the point where median income, adjusted for inflation, of a full-time male worker is lower than 40 years ago, the hourly wage at the bottom comparable to levels 60 years ago. It is not a surprise that there are many angry people who see the economy not working for them.

Trump has exploited this great divide, announcing a striking change in US policies toward others. Trade agreements will be broken, so too will NATO agreements. Everything is to be renegotiated — even the US debt. Trump, in his own dealings, never seemed to have believed that a man's word was his honor. A contract, a promise to pay, was just the beginning of a negotiation.

Unless Trump is ignominiously defeated, with something like the landslide that defeated Barry Goldwater, the fact that Trump has done as well as he has — that he has received the nomination of one the two major parties, the Grand Old Party — puts all countries on notice: Next time, someone as or more extreme may be elected, someone even less committed (if that is possible) to honor old agreements.

Whether Trump likes it or not, the world has become highly interdependent. No country can solve the problems it faces — let alone the problems the world faces — on its own. Whether the United States likes it or not, it will be affected by global warming and climate change; there will be huge economic and social costs associated with weather variability. Terrorism is a global threat. Diseases move across borders, whatever Trump's oratory. The United States is dependent on imports from other countries for many raw materials that do not exist within its borders. The United States requires cooperation with others for the stability of the global financial system and to enforce the global system of intellectual property.

But with such interdependence, there is a need for global cooperation. Such cooperation can't exist if there isn't a basic element of trust and confidence in one another. Trump has issued a strong warning to all other countries: You can't trust me or any agreement I make. And Trump's success — with the support of even seemingly "reasonable" Republicans, like Paul Ryan — has demonstrated that the problem is not just Trump. It is a problem with America. Others are asking, "Can America be trusted? Is its word its honor?" Trump has given a triumphant answer of American exceptionalism. He has said no.

Some might say: Hasn't the United States (like other countries) always acted in its own interests? Isn't Trump simply speaking honestly, something admittedly unusual in the world of global diplomacy?

This misses the critical issue: Yes, countries should act in their own long-term interest, but that requires trust and cooperation among countries. In ordinary business, cheating, lying, breaking one's word, reneging on contracts, defaulting on loans might be good in the short run, but a businessman who engages in such policies will lose the respect of others — at least those who value honesty and trust, who will not want to deal with such a person. So, too, for countries. While the United States has not always been an exemplar of good behavior, never before has anyone in a responsible position suggested that we would renege on our debt. The United States has been a strong supporter of the international rule of law. We may not always fully live up to our agreements, but we typically do. Countries that violate the rule of law face the risk of sanctions. The enforcement of the international rule of law may be imperfect, but it is better than having no rule of law.

We need the cooperation of others. Trump's success has raised the question: Can the United States be trusted in the long run? Trump has already done enormous damage to America's reputation. The only way that the US can ameliorate this damage is for its voters to overwhelmingly repudiate Trumpism.

Joseph E. Stiglitz is a Nobel laureate in economics, university professor at Columbia University, and chief economist of the Roosevelt Institute. He is author of "Rewriting the Rules of the American Economy'' and "The Great Divide."
John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV

The Winners and Losers Radio Show
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On causes of Brexit [feedly]

On causes of Brexit

via Stumbling and Mumbling

http://stumblingandmumbling.typepad.com/stumbling_and_mumbling/2016/08/on-causes-of-brexit.html


There's something about the post-Brexit autopsies that I'm not entirely happy with. It's the failure to distinguish between the margin and the infra-margin.

Take a now-standard narrative – that olderauthoritarian, less educated and lower-earningpeople tended to vote Brexit.

As Gary Bennett reminds us, we must avoid a common logical error here. Just because the uneducated disproportionately voted Leave does not mean that Leave voters were mostly uneducated.

Also, as Ben Chu points out, mono-causal explanations raise questions:

If the issue is a post-crash squeeze on incomes, why did young people, who have suffered disproportionately since the 2008 financial crash, apparently vote heavily in favour of continued EU membership while a majority of the over-50s, whose incomes have held up relatively well, vote against?

However, I want to focus on another problem. It's that we knew months ago that older, poorer and less educated people were anti-EU. And yet Brexit came as a surprise – to betting markets, financial markets and not least to David Cameron.

This paradox warns us that whilst the conditions for a big anti-EU vote were in place – we knew for months that some 40% of voters supported Brexit – what remains unexplained is the surprise.

To put this another way, longstanding anti-EU sentiment was infra-marginal. The question is: what happened at the margin to tip the balance in favour of Brexit?  

The answer here, I suspect, lies in the Vote Leave campaign itself. It succeeded in mobilizing latent discontent in a way that neither Labour not UKIP managed in the 2015 general election: only 3.9m voted UKIP but 17.4m voted Leave. It did so in four ways:

 - "Take control" was, as Will Davies says, "a piece of political genius. It worked on every level between the macroeconomic and the psychoanalytic." It spoke to communities which had long left neglected by mainstream politicians.

 - In not providing any sort of precise plan for Brexit, Vote Leave exploited wishful thinking and the tendency of people to take risks when they feel they have lost, by allowing voters to read into Brexit what they wanted: free marketeers saw it as a road to an open economy; Lexiters as a way of snubbing neoliberalism and anti-immigrationists as a way of closing borders. Thus was an incompatible coalition created.

 - It played upon hostility to immigration – a hostility the conditions of which were laid inpart by austerity.

 - It exploited the distrust of experts, and so neutralized economists' warnings that Brexit would make us poorer. It was helped in this regard by inequality. Not only did this create adistance between experts and lay-people, but we also know that inequality causes distrust.

What I'm trying to do here is reconcile two different perspectives. On the one hand, Eric says "culture and personality, not material circumstances, separate Leave and Remain voters. This is not a class conflict so much as a values divide." And Rick says "the left-behind who voted for Brexit last week were left behind a long time ago." These are statements about the infra-margin. But when I say that austerity and inequality – as cleverly exploited by Vote Leave - contributed to the Brexit vote, I'm claiming these things mattered at the margin.

There's something else. Vote Leave was surely one of the most successful political campaigns in history. It was also dishonest and anti-intellectual. That both these claims are true is one of the most troubling features of modern politics.


 -- via my feedly newsfeed

Saturday, August 6, 2016

How To Subscribe to Socialist Economics listserv

How To Subscribe to Socialist Economics listserv

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cheers, on to more socialism, but not too much. :)