Monday, August 2, 2021

The Austrian Business Cycle [feedly]

The Austrian Business Cycle
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2021/08/01/the-austrian-business-cycle/

The Austrian school of economics is outside the mainstream. The Austrians start from micro-assumptions. This is not the neoclassical view of rational, fully informed human agents, maximizing their utility and profits. On the contrary, human actions are speculative and there is no guarantee of success in investment. According to Karl Menger, the founder of this school of thought, the further out in time the results of any investment are, the more difficult it is to be sure of success.  Thus it is easier to estimate the returns on investment for goods that are for immediate consumption than for those needed for capital goods. Saving rather than consumption is a speculative decision to gain extra returns down the road.

Austrians reckon that the cost of saving can be measured by the 'market interest rate', which prices the time involved in delivering future output from savings now. 'Business cycles,' as the Austrians call booms and slumps under capitalist production, are primarily caused by periodic credit expansion and contraction of central banks. Business cycles would not be a feature of a truly "free market" economy. As long as capitalists were free to make their own forecasts and investment allocations based on market prices, rather than by bureaucrats, there would be no business cycles. Cycles are due to the manipulation of credit by state institutions. This differs from the neoclassical/monetarist school, which sees recessions as minor interruptions from growth caused by imperfections in market information or markets—not busts caused by artificial credit booms.

The boom phase in the Austrian business cycle takes place because the central bank supplies more money than the public wishes to hold at the current rate of interest and thus the latter starts to fall. Loanable funds exceed demand and then start to be used in non-productive areas, as in the case of the boom 2002–2007 in the housing market. These mistakes during the boom are only revealed by the market in the bust.

The Great Recession was a product of the excessive money creation and artificially low interest rates caused by central banks that on that occasion went into housing. The recession was necessary to correct the mistakes and the malinvestment caused by interference with market interest rates. The recession is the economy attempting to shed capital and labour from where it is no longer profitable. No amount of government spending and interference will avoid that correction.

Crucial to the Austrian Business Cycle Theory (ABCT) is the notion of a "natural rate of interest" ie how much it would cost to borrow if it wasn't for government interference.  In 'free markets', the supply and demand for funds to invest will set a rate of interest that brings investment and savings into line, as long as the markets for funds are fully competitive and everybody has clear knowledge on all transactions. 

Already, you can see that these assumptions are not realistic.  Even if the assumption of perfect competition was realistic, there is no reason to think that there is one interest rate for an economy. Rather there is one rate for houses, another for cars, another hotel construction etc. This point was even accepted by the Austrian school guru, Fredrick Hayek, who acknowledged that there is no one 'natural rate' of interest.

But without one natural rate of interest, you can't claim the government is forcing rates too low and therefore the theory crumbles. Yes, the central bank controls a component of the interest rate that helps determine the spread at which banks can lend, but the central bank does not determine the rates at which banks lend to customers.  It merely influences the spread.  Aiming at the Fed's supposed "control" over interest rates misunderstands how banks actually create money and influence economic output.

The primary flaw in the Austrian view of the central bank has been most obvious since Quantitative Easing started in 2008.  Austrian economists came out at the time saying that the increase in reserves in the banking system was the equivalent of "money printing" and that this would "devalue the dollar", crash T-bonds and cause hyperinflation. None of this came about.  

Marx denied the concept of a natural rate of interest.  For him, the return on capital, whether exhibited in the interest earned on lending money, or dividends from holding shares, or rents from owning property, came from the surplus-value appropriated from the labour of the working class and appropriated by the productive sectors of capital.  Interest was only a part of that surplus value.  The rate of interest would thus fluctuate between zero and the average rate of profit from capitalist production in an economy.  In boom times, it would move towards the average rate of profit and in slumps it would fall towards zero.  But the decisive driver of investment would be profitability, not the interest rate.  If profitability was low, then holders of money would increasingly hoard money or speculate in financial assets rather than invest in productive ones. 

What matters is not whether the market rate of interest is above or below some 'natural' rate but whether it is so high that it is squeezing any profit for investment in productive assets.  Actually, the main exponent of the 'natural rate of interest', Knut Wicksell conceded this point. According to Wicksell, the natural rate is "never high or low in itself, but only in relation to the profit which people can make with the money in their hands, and this, of course, varies. In good times, when trade is brisk, the rate of profit is high, and, what is of great consequence, is generally expected to remain high; in periods of depression it is low, and expected to remain low."

The leading proponents of the Austrian School usually shy away from considering empirical evidence for their theory.  For them, the logic is enough.  But a reader of my blog recently sent me a bag of empirical studies that purport to prove that the Austrian school business cycle theory is correct: namely that when the market rate of interest is driven below the 'natural rate' there will be excessive credit expansion that will eventually lead to a bust and crisis.

In one of these studies, Austrian economist James Keeler proxies the market and 'natural' interest rates by using short- and long-term interest rates in yield curves.   The natural rate of interest is proxied by the long-term bond yield, and if the short term rate remains well below the long term rate, credit will expand to the point when there is a bust.  That happens when the short-term rate shoots up and exceeds the long or vice versa ie there is an inverse yield curve.  This is what his empirical study shows. Indeed, JP Morgan reckons on this basis the current probability of a slump in the US economy within a year is about 40-60%.

But while it may be that an inverted yield curve correlates with recessions, all it really shows is that investors are 'fearful' of recession and act accordingly.  The question is why at a certain point, investors fear a recession and and start buying long-term bonds driving down the yield below the short-term rate.  Moreover, when you look at corporate bonds in the capitalist sector, there is no inverted curve.  Longer-term corporate bonds generally have a much higher yield than short-term bonds.

Another Austrian study by Ismans & Mougeot (2009) examined four countries, France, Germany, Great Britain, and USA between 1980 and 2006. This found that "the maxima of the ratio of consumption expenditures to investment expenditures are often reached during the quarters of recession or during the quarters just after recessions. This observation corroborates the Austrian hypothesis of overinvestment liquidation marking crisis."  But again the study relies on short and long-term interest rates and argues that "the term spread inversions mark the turning points of the aggregate economic activity. When the term spread decreases, the structure of production becomes less roundabout as entrepreneurs reallocate resources away from production goods to consumption goods."  In other words, when short-term interest rates rise or long-term rates fall, investors stop investing in capital goods and business investment falls while consumption rises or stays the same.  Again, why does the yield curve to start to invert?  Which is the causal direction?  Is it falling investment in productive goods and services that drives long-term yields down or vice versa?

Carilli & Dempster attempt to answer this query in another study by carrying out a Granger causality test on two chosen indices of the 'natural interest rate' : 1) the real growth rate in GDP 2) the personal savings-consumption ratio. But they find that there is a marked lack of correlation between interest rates and economic activity. 

Indeed, there is little evidence that the rate of interest is the driving force of capitalist investment and the price signal that capitalists look for to make investment decisions.  A recent study by Dartmouth College, found that:

"First, profits and stock returns both have strong predictive power for investment growth, persisting many quarters into the future. Second, interest rates and the default spread—our proxies for discount rates—are at best weakly correlated with current and future investment. In short, changes in profitability and stock prices appear to be much more important for investment than changes in interest rates and volatility."

Similarly, the US Fed concluded in their own study that: "A fundamental tenet of investment theory and the traditional theory of monetary policy transmission is that investment expenditures by businesses are negatively affected by interest rates. Yet, a large body of empirical research offer mixed evidence, at best, for a substantial interest-rate effect on investment…., we find that most firms claim to be quite insensitive to decreases in interest rates, and only mildly more responsive to interest rate increases."

Some economists in the Austrian school have tried to gauge when the tipping point into recession might be by measuring the divergence between the growth in credit and GDP growth (see Borio and White, Asset prices, financial and monetary stability, BIS 2002).  Apparently, there is a point when credit loses its traction on economic growth and asset prices and then growth collapses. But why? The Austrians cannot answer this because they ignore the fundamental flaw in the capitalist process identified by Marx in his law of profitability.

What drives capitalist economies and capital accumulation are changes in profits and profitability.  Economic growth in a capitalist economy is driven not by consumption as the Austrians claim, but by business investment. That is the swing factor causing booms and slumps in capitalist economies.  And business investment is driven mainly by one thing: profits or profitability – not interest rates, not 'confidence' and not consumer demand. It is when the rate of profit starts to fall; and then more immediately, when the mass of profits turns down. Then the huge expansion of credit designed to keep profitability up can no longer deliver.


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An Earn-and-Learn Career Path [feedly]

An Earn-and-Learn Career Path
https://conversableeconomist.wpcomstaging.com/2021/07/31/an-earn-and-learn-career-path/

interesting take on apprenticeships from Tim Taylor

What paths can high school students take in accumulating hard and soft skills so that they can make the transition to a career and job? The main answer in US society is "go to college." But for a large share of high school graduates, being told that they now need to attend several more years of classes is not what they want to hear.

Historically, a common alternative career path was that companies hired young workers who had little to offer other than energy and flexibility, and then trained and promoted those workers. Unions often played a role in advocating and supporting this training, too. But in the last few decades, it seems that a lot of companies have exited the job training business. Their general sense is that young adults aren't likely to stay with the company, so in effect, you are training them for their next employer. Instead, better just to require that new hires already have experience.

The earn-and-learn career path tries to steer between these extremes. Yes, it involves additional learning, because that's what 21st century jobs are like, but it seeks to have that learning take place more in the workplace than in the classroom. Also, instead of paying to learn, you get paid while learning. On the other side, firms that participate in this kind of training don't need to take on the entire responsibility and cost of doing so.

Annelies Goger sketches this framework in "Desegregating work and learning through 'earn-and-learn' models" (Brookings Institution, December 9, 2020). She points out the gigantic difference in public support for higher education vs. public support for an earn-and-learn approach.

The earn-and-learn programs under the public workforce system—authorized under the Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA)—are underused and hard to scale. Publicly funded job training options are tiny overall compared to investments in traditional public higher education or classroom-based job training. Funding for public higher education was $385 billion in 2017-18, compared to about $14 billion for employment services and training across 43 programs. The net result is that higher education is the main provider of publicly funded training for most Americans, and most of the $14 billion for employment services and training goes to services (most of which isn't training) for special populations such as veterans and people with disabilities.

This difference in public support is even more stark when you recognize that those with a college education are likely to end up with  higher average incomes during their lives, so that we are doing more to subsidize the training of the relatively high earners of the future than we are to subsidize the training of the middle- and lower-level earners.

What do the earn-and-learn programs look like in practice? Here's a graphic:

Fig1

I won't try to go through these choices one at a time: for present purposes, the salient fact is that they are all small in size. As long-time readers know, I'm a fan of a dramatic expansion of apprenticeships (for example, hereherehere, and here). But as Goger writes:

For example, the U.S. had roughly 238,000 new registered apprentices in 2018. However, if the U.S. had the same share of new apprentices per capita as Germany, we would have 2 million new apprentices per year; if we had the same share as the United Kingdom or Switzerland, that number would be 3 million.



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Senators finalized a $1 trillion version of Biden's infrastructure plan after weeks of wrangling. Passing it will be a race against time. [feedly]

Senators finalized a $1 trillion version of Biden's infrastructure plan after weeks of wrangling. Passing it will be a race against time.
https://www.businessinsider.com/senators-finalise-1-trillion-infrastructure-bill-hope-to-fast-track-2021-8?utm_source=feedly&utm_medium=webfeeds

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) speaks during a news conference about climate change outside the U.S. Capitol on July 28, 2021 in Washington, DC.

Drew Angerer/Getty Images

  • Bipartisan Senators working on a trillion-dollar infrastructure bill published its text late Sunday.
  • The bill is due to be fast-tracked for a vote in the Senate this week, but may face opposition.
  • Biden supports the package, though it is smaller than the White House had hoped.
  • See more stories on Insider's business page.

The final version of a $1 trillion infrastructure bill - hammered out by a bipartisan group of Senators - was released late on Sunday night.

The full text came in at 2,702 pages. Despite its size and cost, its proponents hope to fast-track it through the Senate for an expected vote this week.

Senate Majority leader Chuck Schumer wants the bill passed before senators leave on their August break next week, and held a special legislative weekend to get the process started.

The bill would see a huge injection of investment in the so-called "hard infrastructure," of roads, bridges, and broadband.

If passed it would be the biggest package of its kind for decades. It includes $550 billion in new spending on infrastructure, as well as $450 billion in funds previously approved.

Senators raced last week to complete the final details of the vast text before the planned vote this week. It followed months of negotiations between Democrats and Republicans that saw an earlier $2 trillion plan put forward by President Joe Biden whittled down to secure wider support.

If the bill passes the Senate it would then need to be approved by the House of Representatives. Some progressives have said it now falls short of their spending demands and have threatened to block it.

Democrats hold a slender majority in both the Senate, where Vice President Kamala Harris holds the tie-breaker vote, and the House, where Democrats have a 220-212 majority.

In the Senate, two test votes on the bill indicated broad bipartisan support, suggesting it is likely to pass. But some Republicans could object to the bill on the basis that some of the details of how it's going to be funded are unclear.

At least 10 GOP Senators and every Democrat would need to support the bill for it to reach the necessary level of 60 votes.

Sen. Susan Collins, the Maine Republican who was part of the group that brokered the deal, said on CNN on Sunday that she though enough GOP Senators would back it.

"This bill is good for America," said Collins. "Every senator can look at bridges and roads and need for more broadband, waterways in their states, seaports, airports, and see the benefits, the very concrete benefits, no pun intended, of this legislation."

Democrats aim to later pass an even broader $3.5 trillion spending bill containing a number of environmental measures. Those more contentious provisions would be presented under the mechanism of budget reconciliation, which allows bills on certain topics to pass with 50 instead of 60 votes.

In an interview on CNN's "State of the Union" Sunday, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, one of the House's leading progressives, said that there was enough opposition in the House to stop the bill passing.

She suggested that progressives would only pass the bipartisan bill once the larger spending bill was through.

"So, we really need to see that language and see what's put in there ... when it reaches the House," Ocasio-Cortez said. "Bipartisan doesn't always mean that it's in the interests of the public good, frankly. Sometimes, there's a lot of corporate lobbyist giveaways in some of these bills."

Read the original article on Business Insider

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China’s Progressive Authoritarianism - Bloomberg

China's Progressive Authoritarianism

by Malcolm Scott

<p>Push for 'Common Prosperity' reshapes the policy outlook</p>

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/newsletters/2021-08-02/what-s-happening-in-the-world-economy-a-new-economic-order-emerges-in-china?sref=woWS9Szx

Hello. Today we look at China's crackdown on big tech and what it means for the economy, the week ahead in global economics and the interplay between evictions and virus infections in America.

Progressive Authoritarianism

A sweeping new vision for the world's second-largest economy is emerging from the crackdown on big tech — one where the interests of investors take a distant third place to ensuring social stability and national security.

In a flurry of action Friday, Chinese authorities summoned the country's largest technology companies for a lecture on data security, vowed better oversight of overseas share listings and accused ride-hailing companies of stifling competition.

That follows  new requirements for data security reviews ahead of overseas IPOs, directives for food-delivery firms to pay staff a living wage and escalating curbs on unaffordable housing, and a crackdown on tutoring companies. Add it all up, and it's leading to a growing realization that the old rules of Chinese business no longer apply and leaving investors wondering which sector will be the next target for regulators.

relates to China's Progressive Authoritarianism

For decades, even as they kept strict control over strategic sectors like banking and oil, China's leaders gave entrepreneurs and investors freedom to drive the adoption of new technologies and open up fresh opportunities for growth. Deng Xiaoping set the tone back in the mid-1980s when he said it was OK if some got rich first. Now, with growth slowing and relations with the U.S. hostile, they're emphasizing different goals.

Bloomberg News's Tom Hancock and Bloomberg Economics's Tom Orlik describe the new order as progressive authoritarianism

China this year began a "new development phase," according to President Xi Jinping. It puts three priorities ahead of unfettered growth:

  • National security, which includes control of data and greater self-reliance in technology
  • Common prosperity, which aims to curb inequalities that have soared in recent decades
  • Stability, which means tamping down discontent among China's middle class 

The events of recent weeks, where markets have been rocked by the regulatory onslaught, show investors had better get themselves acquainted with those new priorities as the focus on common prosperity suggests they'll have to settle for a smaller share of the spoils in the future.

 Malcolm Scott

Wednesday, July 28, 2021

Enlighten Radio:Talkin Socialism: Storm over Cuba

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Blog: Enlighten Radio
Post: Talkin Socialism: Storm over Cuba
Link: https://www.enlightenradio.org/2021/07/talkin-socialism-storm-over-cuba.html

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Friday, July 23, 2021

The minimum wage has lost 21% of its value since Congress last raised the wage [feedly]

The minimum wage has lost 21% of its value since Congress last raised the wage
https://www.epi.org/blog/the-minimum-wage-has-lost-21-of-its-value-since-congress-last-raised-the-wage/

Saturday marks 12 years since the last federal minimum wage increase on July 24, 2009, the longest period in U.S. history without an increase. In the meantime, rising costs of living have diminished the purchasing power of a minimum wage paycheck. A worker paid the federal minimum of $7.25 today effectively earns 21% less than what their counterpart earned 12 years ago, after adjusting for inflation.

Chart of the Week
Chart of the Week

As a result of Congressional inaction, over two dozen states and several cities have raised their minimum wage, including 11 states and the District of Columbia that have adopted a $15 minimum wage. These higher wage standards have increased the earnings of low-wage workers, with women in minimum wage-raising states seeing the largest pay increases. In the rest of the country, however, states have punished low-wage workers by refusing to raise pay standards. As many as 26 states have gone so far as to pass laws prohibiting local governments from raising their minimum wage.

Decades ago, the country benefited from significantly higher minimum wage standards. In fact, the 1968 historical high point of the minimum wage—at $11.12 per hour in today's dollars—significantly reduced Black-white wage gaps. If Congress had continued to increase the minimum wage in line with productivity growth since then, the minimum wage today would be over $22 per hour.

A step in the right direction would be a $15 national minimum wage by 2025, as called for by the Raise the Wage Act of 2021. The policy would raise the wages of 32 million workers and increase the earnings of nearly one in three Black workers (31%) and one in four Hispanic workers (26%). It would also raise the wages of 19 million front-line and essential workers. By helping to ensure decent pay, a national $15 minimum wage by 2025 would lift up to 3.7 million people out of poverty, including 1.3 million children.

For too long, Congress has abandoned its responsibility "to protect this Nation from the evils and dangers resulting from wages too low to buy the bare necessities of life," as was called for by the Senate during the enactment of the first Fair Labor Standards Act in 1938. After a dozen years of declining wage standards, it is past time for Congress to do its job and raise the minimum wage.


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Worker-led state and local policy victories in 2021 showcase potential for an equitable recovery [feedly]

Worker-led state and local policy victories in 2021 showcase potential for an equitable recovery
https://www.epi.org/blog/worker-led-state-and-local-policy-victories-in-2021-showcase-potential-for-an-equitable-recovery/

What new world of work can be built from the crisis COVID-19 created for workers and working-class communities? Some 2021 state and local policy victories are providing early answers. Across the country, workers are organizing to win policy changes aimed at strengthening labor standards, raising wages, reversing longstanding race and gender-based exclusions from labor rights, and building power to ensure these gains are not short-lived. The following examples of campaign and policy victories from recent legislative sessions are just the beginning of what is necessary to create a world where all work truly has dignity.

Building worker power and protecting the right to organize at the state level

Long before COVID-19, the right to unionize varied widely depending on a worker's occupation, race, gender, or ZIP code. Union workers had more job security during the pandemic, and more workers are expressing interest in gaining a voice on the job through a union, yet legal exclusions and steep barriers to organizing mean that far too few workers have access to the union protections they want and need. Because federal labor law still excludes farmworkers, domestic workers, and public-sector workers from coverage, states are left to determine whether millions of disproportionately Black, Brown, immigrant, and women workers in front-line occupations will have legal rights to pursue a union contract.

This year, educators, care workers, farmworkers, and public servants acutely affected by the pandemic worked to accelerate the passage of proposals to expand labor rights and defend existing rights from ongoing state legislative attacks. Colorado enacted a groundbreaking, comprehensive Farmworker Bill of Rights extending full rights to organize unions and collectively bargain to 40,000 farmworkers across the state in a significant effort to advance worker power at the state level. The legislation also includes new workplace safety protections, rights to minimum wage and overtime pay, anti-retaliation protections, rest and meal breaks, and other minimum standards that have long covered workers in other sectors.

Several states and localities took important steps to extend collective bargaining rights to public-sector workers in 2021. Ongoing state struggles to extend full bargaining rights to public-sector workers have important economic impacts, including closing pay gaps for Black workers and women, who are overrepresented among government workers. In Maryland, for example, legislators voted to extend collective bargaining rights to community college faculty and staff who have long been denied the same rights as other education workers in the state. Lawmakers are now poised for a second vote on the bill to override the governor's recent veto.

In Virginia, a breakthrough state law authorizing local governments to enter into collective bargaining agreements with public employees took effect May 1, reversing a decades-long ban on public-sector collective bargaining in the state. The city of Alexandria became the first local jurisdiction to pass an ordinance establishing a framework for negotiating union contracts with municipal employees under the new law, and multiple Virginia counties and cities are now considering how to follow suit.

In Nevada, state employees who won collective bargaining rights through state legislation in 2019 are now using the process of negotiating their first contracts to have a say in their working conditions, state agency policies, and critical state budget decisions that will shape post-pandemic access to public services for all state residents. Nevada also created a new Home Care Employment Board intended to provide home care workers with a mechanism for collectively bargaining over wage and employment standards to improve their working conditions.

In states where legislators continued attacking workers' rights this year, workers largely succeeded in resisting. Workers in Texas defeated efforts to prohibit local elected officials from improving working conditions through fair scheduling policies, worker safety requirements, and prevention of discrimination based on arrest and conviction history. A similar bill in West Virginia that would have prevented local elected officials from strengthening labor rights was also defeated. In states like Montana and Florida, public-sector workers successfully defended existing bargaining rights against serious threats to erode them. In Montana and New Hampshire, so-called "right-to-work" bills aimed at weakening unions were defeated via floor votes, preventing the downward pressure on wages and job quality that result from such measures.

Growing scrutiny of worker misclassification also generated important state policy advances in 2021. Employers who illegally misclassify employees as "independent contractors" skirt payroll tax, unemployment, and workers' compensation payments, while depriving workers of fundamental workplace rights, including the right to organize a union. This year, Nevada and New Jersey were among states that adopted new measures aimed at cracking down on misclassification, and continued state and federal action on misclassification will be key to rebuilding worker power.

Raising wages

Building on over a decade of momentum for raising minimum wages, workers and advocates in both Delaware and Rhode Island won legislation to increase the minimum wage to $15 by 2025. labor-community coalition in Connecticut worked to expand state health and education funding, including Medicaid funding increases necessary to boost starting wages of long-term care workers. And Washington legislators ended the exclusion of farmworkers from eligibility for overtime pay and passed legislation to boost compensation and ensure access to premium-free health care for child care workers.

Valuing and protecting front-line workers

Some states and cities are crafting innovative policies in response to popular demands for safer workplaces, supplemental pay for "essential" workers, and paths back to employment for those in industries hit hardest by COVID-19 unemployment. For example, Minnesota approved a state budget that includes $250 million for payments to front-line workers and established a working group to make initial recommendations on how funds should be disbursed. Two city councils in southern California have approved union-initiated proposals to distribute bonus payments to grocery store workers from funds allocated through the American Rescue Plan. Hospitality workers and their unions in California and Nevada led successful efforts to pass legislation ensuring laid-off hospitality and tourism industry workers have rights to return to their former jobs as positions open up during the recovery. And union members laid off from multiple Chicago hotels mobilized to enact a similar local measure covering hotel workers across the city.

Legislative action in several states has established or extended policies to ensure those who suffered illness or disability following COVID-19 workplace exposure could access benefits though state workers' compensation systems (including health care, lost wage replacement, or death benefits). Connecticut committed $34 million to an Essential Workers COVID-19 Assistance Fund to pay expanded COVID-19 workers' compensation benefits to affected workers. Other examples like Washington state's new Health Emergency Labor Standards Act strengthened safety standards, anti-retaliation protections, and exposure notification rules, while Oregon lawmakers also strengthened anti-retaliation protections for workers who raise safety and health concerns. Separately, Washington passed a bill requiring employers to provide hazard communication and training to temporary workers, who often fall through the cracks under existing employment laws.

These measures are just a few examples of policy responses to longstanding systemic problems exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, where "at-will" employees lacking union protections were often forced to choose between their health and their paychecks on a daily basis; thousands found themselves fired or disciplined for speaking up about health and safety concerns; and those infected at work but unable to access evidence needed to prove the source of their exposure were often denied workers' compensation benefits under restrictive state rules.

Unemployment insurance

The pandemic spotlight on state policy failures enabled workers and advocates to fend off persistent threats to unemployment benefits in some states, while making progress in others to improve or expand state unemployment systems. Examples include increases to notoriously low unemployment benefit amounts in Arizona and expansion of unemployment to cover school workers for the summer in Illinois and Oregon.

In New York, a powerful statewide coalition won a landmark Excluded Workers Fund when the legislature committed an unprecedented $2.1 billion to make up for the exclusion of undocumented immigrants from federal aid during the COVID-19 pandemic. The escalating campaign organized by coalition partners to propose, win, and implement the program serves as a model for other states to follow in directing funds to the primarily Black, Brown, and women workers most affected by the intertwined public health and economic crises of the past year while boosting local economies.

Elsewhere, ongoing struggles with highly uneven access to unemployment and recent harmful moves by over half of all states to prematurely cut off federal pandemic unemployment benefits continue to point to the need for federal reform of the unemployment system to address systemic inequities.

Paid sick leave and paid family and medical leave

While the pandemic continues to point to the desperate need for comprehensive federal paid leave policies, several legislatures acted to create or expand existing state programs in 2021. Georgia initiated a new paid parental leave program for state employees and teachers; New Mexico created a new paid sick time policy; and in Illinois, teachers and school employees will now be able to use up to 30 days of paid sick leave after giving birth to, fostering, or adopting a child. In Washington, two new policy changes aim to make the state's paid family and medical leave program more accessible by allowing people who lost work due to COVID to qualify for family or medical leave and expanding the definition of "family" so that everyone can access leave to care for loved ones.

Each time workers win new policies that address both longstanding power imbalances and pressing pandemic challenges, they are contributing to a more robust and equitable recovery, an eventual end to racist, sexist occupational exclusions from fundamental labor rights, and a world where all workers have full and equal legal protections to organize and collectively bargain over the future of their own work. While prospects for federal action on paid leave, minimum wage, unemployment, labor standards enforcement, and labor law reform remain uncertain, states and cities will play central roles in empowering workers and reshaping our economy in the months to come—and redefining what may become possible at the federal level.


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