Monday, June 28, 2021

Make Child Tax Credit Improvements Permanent in Upcoming Recovery Legislation [feedly]

Make Child Tax Credit Improvements Permanent in Upcoming Recovery Legislation
https://www.cbpp.org/blog/make-child-tax-credit-improvements-permanent-in-upcoming-recovery-legislation

good  point. Family improvements may not be sustained if programs come and go before changes in quality of life take hold.

The American Rescue Plan Act, by making a significant set of changes to the Child Tax Credit, will cut the number of children in poverty by more than 40 percent, we estimate. Permanently enacting these historic provisions should be an urgent priority for policymakers in the upcoming recovery bill. We've excerpted below some recent CBPP analyses about the Child Tax Credit improvements: Congress Should Adopt American Families Plan's Permanent Expansions of Child Tax Credit and EITC, Make Additional Provisions Permanent Key tax credit provisions in President Biden's American Families Plan would ....


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Thursday, June 24, 2021

[Charleston Gazette-Mail] Jim Probst: Moving on from coal without abandoning miners (Opinion)

https://www.wvgazettemail.com/opinion/op_ed_commentaries/jim-probst-moving-on-from-coal-without-abandoning-miners-opinion/article_2e78fbbf-41c0-5a05-ad02-245894ab858e.html?utm_medium=social&utm_source=email&utm_campaign=user-share

"Change is coming whether we seek it or not. Too many inside and outside the coalfields have looked the other way when it comes to recognizing and addressing specifically what that change must be, but we can look away no longer. We must act, while acting in a way that has real, positive impact on the people who are most affected by this change."

The above quote is from a document released in April by the United Mine Workers of America, titled "Preserving Coal Country." On June 16 there was a bill introduced in the U.S. Senate that addresses the changes occurring in coal country in a real, positive and substantial manner.

Introduced by Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I., and Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, the Save Our Futures Act proposes a comprehensive list of support for coal miners and coal-fired power plant workers affected by the transitions occurring in the ways that we produce energy.

For workers and their families, the bill includes:

n Five years of full wage replacement.

n Continuation of health care for five years based on previous employment.

n Continuation of pension contributions for five years also based on level from previous employer.

n Establishment of a G.I. Bill type program to provide educational benefits to affected workers and their children.

The bill also makes sure that the communities that have contributed so much are not left behind in this transition. Proposed support for communities would include:

n Replacement of lost tax revenue, for local governments, on a sliding scale, over a 10-year time period.

n Increased investment in abandoned mine reclamation, coal ash pond remediation and orphan oil well recovery.

n Increased investment in agencies important to community economic development such as the Appalachian Regional Commission.

n Investment of $30 million per year for 10 years in rural broadband development.

Quoting the President of the Utility Workers of America, who have endorsed this legislation, "The five years of full wage replacement, health insurance coverage, pension and educational benefits in this legislation together represent a baseline of support we must offer individuals and communities that have powered American innovation for generations."

All told, this legislation would offer approximately $120 billion over 10 years to fossil fuel workers and their communities as part of its Energy Veterans Package.

Of course, the driver of this need for action is our changing climate. The Save Our Futures Act will take a robust approach to addressing climate change by placing a substantial fee on greenhouse gas emissions and rebating 70% of the fees collected to low- and middle-income households on a semi-annual basis.

This approach will reduce our greenhouse gas emissions by 50% after 10 years and help to ensure that global temperature change is kept below 1.5 degrees Celsius.

The reality is that we can no longer say that change is coming. Change to our climate is happening now as are the ways that we produce our energy. In the past 10 years employment in the U.S. coal industry has declined by over 50%.

To quote the UMWA, "The devastating impact on families and communities cannot be overstated. Divorce, drug addiction, imprisonment and suicide rates are all on the rise. Poverty levels are creeping back up in Northern and Central Appalachia, the heart of coal country. For every one direct coal job that has been lost, four other jobs have disappeared in these communities, meaning a quarter of a million jobs have already been lost."

The need for urgent action is now. Sens. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., and Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va., have both acknowledged the need to take steps to address climate change as well as the downturn our coal communities are dealing with. The problem is that their approaches to date just haven't risen to the level of urgency required.

We are in need of a bold, dynamic, far-reaching and comprehensive pathway to addressing what are certainly the most important issues of our time. The Save Our Futures Act provides that pathway and I strongly urge our two senators to support this legislation.

Wednesday, June 23, 2021

Disappointing Supreme Court decision makes it harder for farmworkers to unionize [feedly]

Disappointing Supreme Court decision makes it harder for farmworkers to unionize
https://www.epi.org/blog/disappointing-supreme-court-decision-makes-it-harder-for-farmworkers-to-unionize/

Today, the U.S. Supreme Court published its decision in Cedar Point Nursery v. Hassid, a case involving an employer challenge to a California regulation that allows union representatives to visit the property of agricultural employers—in narrowly tailored and time-limited circumstances—to carry out efforts to organize the hundreds of thousands of California farmworkers who work in hazardous and low-paying jobs, and who suffer disproportionately high rates of wage and hour violations.

In a disappointing 6-3 decision, the Court's conservative justices ruled that the California regulation constitutes a per se physical taking of the employer's property, which in practical terms means union organizers will no longer have the right to access the farms where farmworkers are employed.

The vast majority of farmworkers across the country are not protected by the National Labor Relations Act—the federal law that enshrines the right of workers to join and form unions. In an attempt to fill that gap for farmworkers in California, over four decades ago the state's legislature passed the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA), which established collective bargaining rights for farmworkers, and then-governor Jerry Brown signed it into law in 1975. The ALRA's access regulation enables organizers to visit the properties where farmworkers are employed, allowing the law to be implemented and have real meaning for workers.

Farmworkers are often difficult to reach because they work in remote locations and in many cases reside in housing that is owned and controlled by employers, so access to their workplaces is critical to organizing efforts. In addition, most farmworkers are immigrants, and a majority of them either lack an immigration status or have a precarious and temporary immigration status that their employers control, making it nearly impossible in practice for them to assert their workplace rights or to seek out unions and worker rights organizations.

The Supreme Court's decision means that the already difficult task of organizing farmworkers will be even harder now for unions, and there could be impacts far beyond labor organizing. For a more extensive EPI analysis of what was at stake in the Cedar Point case and the possible impact of the decision, click here


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Wednesday, June 16, 2021

The ‘reconciliation’ train is about to leave the station [feedly]

The 'reconciliation' train is about to leave the station
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/06/15/reconciliation-train-is-about-leave-station/?utm_source=feedly&utm_medium=referral&utm_campaign=wp_opinions

In a meeting with House Democrats on Tuesday morning, top White House adviser Steve Ricchetti appeared to put a hard deadline on the possibility of an infrastructure deal. According to Punchbowl News, Ricchetti said the White House is giving the bipartisan group of senators negotiating that deal another week to 10 days.

Indeed, it's obvious that, barring some surprisingly abrupt turnaround, Democrats are going to have to pass a big package by themselves, via the simple majority "reconciliation" process.

This train is going to leave the station by the end of the month. And that's good: If anything, it should have left some time ago. We can only hope the damage done by the wait doesn't end up being too serious.

This process is already being set in motion. According to a Senate Democratic aide, Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) will convene a meeting with all the Democrats on the Budget Committee on Wednesday to start putting together the reconciliation vehicle for the infrastructure package.

Schumer will instruct those Democrats to craft a measure that includes requisite spending for policies that would "reduce carbon pollution at a scale commensurate with the climate crisis," the aide emails, adding that he will also say that the family-oriented components of Biden's package are "essential" and must be "robustly funded" in reconciliation.

The reason this is so critical is that many progressives have been loudly objecting that the endless quest for a deal with Republicans was putting all the progressive priorities in Biden's package at risk. This seems like an effort to reassure the progressives that they needn't worry.

As you'll recall, the idea all along has been that the groups of Republicans and Democrats in the Senate who are negotiating a bipartisan deal would try to reach one centered on bricks-and-mortar infrastructure, along the lines of what Republicans will accept. This plan would be paid for somehow or other without raising tax rates on corporations, which Republicans cannot accept under any circumstances.

If that deal comes together, then Democrats would load all the other priorities in Biden's package — the climate proposals, the supports for children and families, the investments in caregiving infrastructure, the corporate tax hikes to pay for it all — into a reconciliation bill and pass that later. If no bipartisan deal is reached, then Democrats would do the entire thing in one big reconciliation package.

As we all knew would happen, the bipartisan deal is failing to materialize. While it's still possible, skepticism is intensifying on both sides, with Republicans saying it's too liberal, and progressives saying too much is being traded away and it's time for Democrats to move forward alone.

But either way, what's remarkable is that the other half of the plan actually may be on track.

Schumer's assurances that the reconciliation package must include robust spending on both the climate and family-support sides of Biden's plan is designed to send liberals a clear signal. Whatever happens with Republicans, the reconciliation measure — whether it represents the second half of a two-part package, or the whole package all at once — will be ambitious and progressive.

Indeed, as I've reported, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who as chair of the Budget Committee is playing an influential role in the creation of that reconciliation package, is privately confident that this measure will be historic in ambition and scope, even if it doesn't give progressives everything they want. Schumer's latest directives perhaps validate that confidence.

We should not lose sight of why this has taken so long. It's because of two factors: the filibuster and Sen. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.). The filibuster is why all this effort has to be poured into creating a reconciliation package in the first place. And this has dragged on to this point because Manchin will not support a Democrats-only bill until all efforts to win GOP support have been exhausted.

Since it's apparently too much to hope that Manchin might see the insanity of this process and reconsider his support for the filibuster and his strange insistence that legislation cannot be inherently worth doing unless one or more Republicans supports it, we'll have to hope all this delay doesn't end up compromising the final product. But at least we're about to get real movement.


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Tuesday, June 15, 2021

What We Learned About Amazon's Warehouse Workers [feedly]

What We Learned About Amazon's Warehouse Workers
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/15/us/politics/amazon-warehouse-workers.html

Outsiders see a business success story for the ages. Many insiders see an employment system under strain.

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By Jodi Kantor, Karen Weise and Grace Ashford
June 15, 2021, 4:01 a.m. ET

An Amazon worker tries to return from a Covid-related leave and is mistakenly fired. A wife panics as disability benefits halt for her gravely ill husband. An employee is fired for having a single underproductive day.

An examination by The New York Times into how the pandemic unfolded inside Amazon's only fulfillment center in New York City, known as JFK8, found that the crisis exposed the power and peril of Amazon's employment system. The company famously obsessed with satisfying customers achieved record growth and spectacular profits, but its management of hundreds of thousands of warehouse workers was marked at times by critical mistakes, communication lapses and high turnover.

Here are the takeaways:

1. Amazon has been churning through employees.

Amazon conducted a hiring surge in 2020 that was unparalleled in American corporate history. In just three months, it signed up 350,000 workers — more than the population of St. Louis — offering a wage of at least $15 an hour and good benefits.

But even before the pandemic, previously unreported data shows, Amazon was losing about 3 percent of its hourly associates each week — meaning its turnover was roughly 150 percent a year. At that rate, Amazon had to replace the equivalent of its entire work force roughly every eight months.



Kelly Nantel, an Amazon spokeswoman, responded to questions about the company's turnover by saying, "Attrition is only one data point, which when used alone lacks important context."

Inside Amazon's Seattle headquarters, the turnover has made some executives worry that the company may run out of workers. Paul Stroup, who until recently led human resources teams focused on understanding warehouse workers, felt disappointed that he "didn't hear long-term thinking" about the company's quick cycling through workers. He likened it to using fossil fuels despite climate change.

"We keep using them," he said, "even though we know we're slowly cooking ourselves."

2. Buggy and patchwork systems caused some workers to lose their benefits, and even their jobs, in error.

More than 25 current and former Amazon employees who worked on the disability and leave system bemoaned its inadequacy in interviews, calling it a source of frustration and panic. The problems escalated during the early months of the pandemic, when a new case management system designed to address the problems and provide flexibility was still buggy. Workers who had applied for leaves were penalized for missing work, triggering job-abandonment notices and then terminations.

"Please note the following," Dan Cavagnaro, a JFK8 worker, wrote in a final, unanswered email plea. "I WISH TO REMAIN EMPLOYED WITH AMAZON."

He was mistakenly fired anyway.

Dangelo Padilla, who worked as an Amazon case manager at a back office in Costa Rica, said he had witnessed numerous people being fired for no reason.



"I saw those situations every day," he said.

Ms. Nantel, the spokeswoman, said the company had quickly approved personal leaves during the pandemic, hiring 500 people to help process the increased volume, and worked hard to contact employees before they were fired to see if they wanted to keep their jobs.

3. Amazon's strict monitoring of workers has stoked a culture of fear.

Amazon tracks workers' every movement inside its warehouses. Employees who work too slowly, or are idle for too long, risk being fired.



Dayana Santos was a top performer when she had one bad day in 2019. Her bus was late, then her department was reassigned, causing her to scour the warehouse for a new workstation. That afternoon, she was stunned to find that she was being fired for having too much "time off task," or T.O.T.

Very few associates are fired for low productivity or time off task, but employees don't know that. The goal, JFK8's internal guidelines state, "is to create an environment not where we are writing everyone up, but that associates know that we are auditing for T.O.T."

The system was designed to identify impediments a worker may face, but some executives, including the early architect of Amazon's warehouse human relations, worry that the metrics now cast an outsize shadow on the work force, creating an anxious, negative environment.

After questions about Ms. Santos and T.O.T. from The Times, Amazon announced changes to its policy so that workers would never be fired for one bad day. Ms. Santos and all those like her are now eligible to be rehired. The company said it had been reconsidering the policy for months.

4. There is rising concern over racial inequity.

The retail giant is largely powered by employees of color. According to internal records from 2019, more than 60 percent of associates at JFK8 are Black or Latino.



And Black associates at the warehouse were almost 50 percent more likely to be fired — whether for productivity, misconduct or absenteeism — than their white peers, the records show. (Amazon said it could not confirm the data without knowing more specifics about its source.)

Derrick Palmer, a Black worker at JFK8, began at the company in 2015 as an enthusiast, and he was often a top producer.

But between the constant monitoring, the assumption that many workers are slackers and the lack of advancement opportunity, "a lot of minority workers just felt like we were being used," Mr. Palmer said. His comments echoed the sentiment of Black workers behind an unsuccessful unionization campaign at an Amazon warehouse in Alabama this year.

This spring, the company introduced a host of diversity plans, including a goal to "retain employees at statistically similar rates across all demographics" — an implicit admission that the numbers had been uneven across races. At JFK8, leaders are holding weekly "talent review" meetings to ensure that Black and Latino workers, among others, are advancing.

5. Many of Amazon's most contentious policies go back to Jeff Bezos' original vision.

Some of the practices that most frustrate employees — the short-term-employment model, with little opportunity for advancement, and the use of technology to hire, monitor and manage workers — come from Jeff Bezos, Amazon's founder and chief executive.

He believed that an entrenched work force created a "march to mediocrity," said David Niekerk, a former long-serving vice president who built the company's original human resources operations in the warehouses.

Company data showed that most employees became less eager over time, he said, and Mr. Bezos believed that people were inherently lazy. "What he would say is that our nature as humans is to expend as little energy as possible to get what we want or need," Mr. Niekerk said. That conviction was embedded throughout the business, from the ease of instant ordering to the pervasive use of data to get the most out of employees.


Mr. Bezos recently made startling concessions about the system he invented. In a letter to shareholders, he said the union effort in Alabama had shown that "we need a better vision for how we create value for employees — a vision for their success" — and vowed to become "Earth's best employer."

What is not clear is how or whether he and his successors will reassess the systems that have propelled Amazon's dominance.

Mr. Cavagnaro, the worker Amazon inadvertently fired, asked: "Are they going to address the issue of an expendable work force? Are there going to be any changes?"

Jodi Kantor is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter and best-selling author. She and Megan Twohey are the co-authors of "She Said", which recounts how the reporters broke the story of sexual abuse allegations against Harvey Weinstein, helping to ignite the #MeToo movement. @jodikantor • Facebook

Karen Weise is a technology correspondent based in Seattle, covering Amazon, Microsoft, and the region's tech scene. Before joining The Times in 2018, she worked for Bloomberg Businessweek and Bloomberg News, as well as ProPublica. @kyweise

Grace Ashford is a researcher and reporter with the Investigations unit. Her recent work has focused on city housing policy and the crisis of affordability in New York. @gr_ashford
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A Fading Coal County Bets on Schools, but There’s One Big Hitch [feedly]

A Fading Coal County Bets on Schools, but There's One Big Hitch
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/14/business/economy/west-virginia-county-teachers.html

WELCH, W.Va. — Lillian Keys came back.

After receiving her bachelor's degree from Concord University in Athens, W.Va., the 24-year-old English teacher did something rare among her peers: She returned home to Welch to teach at Mount View High School, from which she graduated in 2014. "People my age and older usually don't come back to the county," Ms. Keys told me. "A lot of our kids want to go away."

McDowell County, where Welch sits, lost a larger share of its people in recent years than any other county in West Virginia — which, in turn, had the biggest population decline of any state. The Census Bureau put the county population at 17,624 in 2019, 20 percent fewer than in 2010, and a sliver of its peak of nearly 100,000 after World War II.

Eleven public elementary and secondary schools remain in the county. But that won't last. Three elementary schools are being consolidated because of a shrinking student population. Mount View High School shares a campus with a middle school; they have fewer than 700 students between them.

Teaching is, nonetheless, one of the area's most promising occupations. The board of education is McDowell's largest employer. There are 210 teachers in the county's public schools, earning $52,300 a year, on average, plus benefits.

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And the county needs more of them. Substitutes regularly fill in at chronically understaffed schools. "For the last three years, I was the only certified English teacher," Ms. Keys said. "So I have a lot of job stability."

McDowell is desperate for her to stay.

Ms. Keys is on the front line of an unusual strategy to restore promise to this corner of coal country, laid low by the long, inexorable decline of the mining industry upon which it built its fortune. A fourth- or fifth-generation native of the hollows of Appalachia, living in her grandparents' former home, she embodies the idea of education as a bridge to a more promising future.

The initiative, spearheaded by the American Federation of Teachers and now in its 10th year, proposes schools as the foundation for renewing many pockets of small-town America that, like McDowell County, have lost their economic and social underpinning.

ImageMount View High School, seen from a former mountaintop removal coal site, shares a campus with a middle school.
Mount View High School, seen from a former mountaintop removal coal site, shares a campus with a middle school. Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times
Image
They have fewer than 700 students between them.
They have fewer than 700 students between them.Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times

The effort was born of a conversation between Randi Weingarten, the president of the teachers' federation, and Gayle Manchin, who was vice president of the State Board of Education.

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"At the core of any thriving community is a solid education system," said Ms. Manchin, who is now federal co-chair of the Appalachian Regional Commission and is the wife of Senator Joe Manchin III.

The initiative mushroomed into a partnership branded Reconnecting McDowell, encompassing over 100 organizations and offering assistance like social and health services for families and apartments for teachers and other professionals. It is also working to promote, little by little, the area's economic development.

"This is a template to revitalize aspirations for every town abandoned by their industry," Ms. Weingarten said. "We want to do five to 10 other projects like this."

But though Reconnecting McDowell has gained plaudits throughout the county and beyond, it has not quite figured out how all the parts connect to produce a lasting self-sustaining community.

Notably, the teachers' federation acknowledges the tension between the goal of preparing the young to grasp future opportunities and the fact that there are few of those in town. Bob Brown, the federation's main person in McDowell County, noted that "there is a very small percentage of high school graduates who stay." As Ms. Keys sees it: "The options are you get a job as a teacher or you leave."

McDowell is poor — one of the poorest counties in the country. Over half of its children do not live with their biological parents, who are often addled by opioids, in prison or dead. Among residents 25 or older, only about one in five has a bachelor's degree.

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"There is a culture of rampant unemployment," Mr. Brown said. The children live mostly with grandparents, but sometimes with aunts, uncles and other extended family. Many lack a role model who gets up in the morning to go to work.

What's more, over the last decade the county has lost half of its private-sector jobs. Walmart left in 2016.

Image
The town of Welch, W. Va., part of McDowell County.
The town of Welch, W. Va., part of McDowell County.Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times
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McDowell lost a larger share of its people in recent years than any other county in West Virginia.
McDowell lost a larger share of its people in recent years than any other county in West Virginia.Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times

"There is nothing here," said Hannah Brooke Allen, who graduated this month from Mount View High School and in August will enter Concord University, 50 miles to the east, hoping to become a pediatric physical therapist.

She has been in the care of her grandmother Phillis Renko Osborne since she was 5 months old. And she knows she is probably not coming back.

Join Michael Barbaro and "The Daily" team as they celebrate the students and teachers finishing a year like no other with a special live event. Catch up with students from Odessa High School, which was the subject of a Times audio documentary series. We will even get loud with a performance by the drum line of Odessa's award-winning marching band, and a special celebrity commencement speech.

"I want to move to a place where there are more opportunities," she said. "Most of my friends want to go away."

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The question is, in this environment, what do you call a victory? If the revitalization of McDowell County relies on hanging on to its young, the future is not so bright. As Ms. Weingarten noted, "You can turn around schooling, but if you can't turn around the economy, it's not enough."

Reconnecting McDowell has done well by many students and their families. It sent health clinics, mental health clinics and even dentists into the schools. It runs a mobile farmers' market out of a truck, offering produce to poor families that can be many miles from the nearest supermarket. It championed a juvenile drug court to offer intensive drug treatment programs that help nonviolent young offenders return quickly to school, rather than go to jail. The program helps with college tuition and funds a mentoring program that takes groups of high school seniors to Charleston, the state capital, and Washington.

Student achievement has improved. The high school graduation rate last year was 82 percent, up from 74 percent in 2011. More students are going on to college. In 2013, after 12 years of state oversight, West Virginia returned the school system to local control.

Still, problems persist. In September 2018, the schools reported that over a quarter of students were chronically absent. In the 2017-18 school year, only 23 percent of children across all grades were proficient in math. In 2018, about 70 classrooms did not have a certified teacher.

One impediment is a housing shortage, despite the population decline. Old structures are often in decay and not fit to occupy. Teachers live in Beckley or Bluefield, an hour's drive away or more. And many quit as soon as they can get an offer closer to home.

Image
Jason Grubb, who is in charge of Welch’s economic development.
Jason Grubb, who is in charge of Welch's economic development.Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times
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One impediment to attracting more teachers is a housing shortage, despite the population decline.
One impediment to attracting more teachers is a housing shortage, despite the population decline.Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times

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This has brought the teachers' union into the real estate business. The national federation put $2 million into the construction of a four-story mixed-use building in downtown Welch, the county seat, on the site of an abandoned furniture factory. When it is finished this year, it will house 20 apartments — one-bedrooms for $625 a month and two-bedrooms for $825. An entrepreneur from Kentucky is planning a Brazilian-themed cafe, a restaurant and an arts and crafts shop on the ground floor.

"We decided that if we are going to attract and retain quality educators, we needed to provide housing," Mr. Brown said. "The thought process is if we can reinvigorate the economy of Welch with 25 to 30 young professionals, that will maybe draw a new coffee shop, or a dry cleaner."

Reconnecting McDowell's efforts might have a better shot at success than earlier attempts at economic reinvention.

Some 15 years ago, county officials lobbied hard for a federal prison to be built just outside Welch. Today it provides 309 full-time jobs, which pay over $1,500 a week, on average, according to statistics from the Labor Department.

The problem is that they are taken by outsiders. With the region hard hit by opioid abuse, many residents couldn't pass the drug test, Mr. Brown said. And the housing shortage means prison workers have to commute in and out.

"The prison didn't work out as we wanted," said Harold McBride, who has been mayor of Welch since 2019. "Most workers drive in, but they would live here if we had housing."

Now Welch is putting its hopes in tourism, mostly revolving around trails for all-terrain vehicles that draw crowds every weekend. It hopes to expand this into zip-lining, kayaking and whatever else will attract people willing to spend money.

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"Once you have that in place, your hotels come; the stores come," said Jason Grubb, who is in charge of the city's economic development.

And the hope is that industrial jobs — or maybe tech workers who, jolted by the shock from Covid-19, want to work remotely from a home in West Virginia's rural landscape — will follow.

"People want to work where they play," Mr. Grubb said. Mr. McBride chimed in, "We are building the playground."

Image
Joshua Barlow, 11, rode all-terrain vehicles with his family in Welch.
Joshua Barlow, 11, rode all-terrain vehicles with his family in Welch.Credit...Photographs by Mike Belleme for The New York Times
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The Hatfield and McCoy trail system in Welch, which is putting its hopes of revitalization into tourism.
The Hatfield and McCoy trail system in Welch, which is putting its hopes of revitalization into tourism.Credit...Mike Belleme for The New York Times

One challenge is that the county's past prosperity — when this was one of the nation's greatest coal-producing regions — is almost impossible to replicate. Even today, the 544 coal mining jobs in McDowell County pay $1,497 a week, on average. By contrast, the 121 workers in accommodation and food services make $348. A society built upon tourism will not be as affluent as the one built on coal.

It is, as Mr. McBride noted, "better than nothing." The question is whether this is enough to put the county on an upward path.

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"I hear it from kids all the time: I want to get out of here," said Kristin Johnson, a 24-year-old middle school teacher at Mount View who lives in Princeton, W.Va., about an hour's drive away, and is itching for a teacher job to open there. "Those who do get an education know they can make more money somewhere else."

Ms. Keys returned, in part, out of loyalty. "When I was in high school, we started losing a lot of teachers," she said. "People feared there would be nobody there to take those jobs." But a stable teaching job, as well as free housing at her grandmother's old house, played into her calculations.

This may not be enough to hold her, though. Even dating locally is complicated. Her boyfriend lives over an hour away, outside Beckley. "There is nobody here that is appealing," Ms. Keys said.

Consider Emily Hicks, 24, who graduated from Mount View in 2015. She is at the forefront of Reconnecting McDowell's efforts, an early participant in the mentoring program meant to expand the horizons of local youths.

She didn't even have to leave home to get her bachelor's degree at Bluefield State College, commuting from home every other day. Today she teaches fifth grade at Kimball Elementary School. Her father is a surveyor for the coal mines; her mother works for the local landfill. But her boyfriend, Brandon McCoy, is hoping to leave the coal business and has taken a couple of part-time jobs at clinics outside the county after getting an associate degree in radiology.

Her brother, Justin, who graduated from high school in June, is going to college to get a degree in electrical engineering. "I have no idea what I'm going to do after that," he said. "But there's not a lot to do here."


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