Friday, April 30, 2021

Fwd: Last Night Was Joe Biden’s Moment. May There Be Many More.



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Date: Thu, Apr 29, 2021 at 8:34 PM
Subject: Last Night Was Joe Biden's Moment. May There Be Many More.
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 Scranton Joe, once the neoliberal Senator from Delaware, translated left ideas into unthreatening but inspiring language Wednesday night. Which is a huge accomplishment.

 

Joan Walsh
April 29, 2021
The Nation
Scranton Joe, once the neoliberal Senator from Delaware, translated left ideas into unthreatening but inspiring language Wednesday night. Which is a huge accomplishment.

President Joe Biden addresses a joint session of Congress in the House chamber., Melina Mara / The Washington Post AP Pool photo // The Nation

 

I thought President Joe Biden had been upstaged on Wednesday by the FBI raids on grifter fascist Rudy Giuliani's home and office. And it seemed fitting: Giuliani tried three times—with Ukraine in 2019, with state election officials in 2020, and with the violent January 6 insurrectionists in 2021—to block Biden's presidency. Maybe it was OK if Biden was overshadowed on his first address to a joint session of Congress by Giuliani's overwhelming legal troubles.

But Biden wasn't. On Wednesday night he wrapped up FDR's New Deal and LBJ's Great Society, plus Obama's good ideas and some of Senator Bernie Sanders's better ones, into a Scranton-inflected agenda for racial and economic justice. It went beyond anything he promised running for president. He called it a "blue-collar blueprint" for change, yet unlike a lot of other folks who chant "blue collar," Biden made clear he wasn't just seeing white guys but the entire multiracial working class.

The president clearly saw female domestic violence victims and Black men killed by police, hailed Dreamers (and he must do more than hail them), and told "transgender Americans watching at home—especially the young people who are so brave—I want you to know that your president has your back." He's already made some big noise in support of unions, but this was extra: "Wall Street didn't build this country. The middle class built this country. And unions build the middle class." He called on Congress to pass the PRO Act and a $15-an-hour minimum wage.

Oh, and speaking of Rudy Giuliani, which he didn't: Biden called the January 6 insurrection, correctly, "the worst attack on our democracy since the Civil War," charting a through-line from the racist seditionists of the 19th century to their 21st-century descendants. Afterward, the GOP sent out its only Black senator, Tim Scott, to deliver the rebuttal. "America is not a racist country," Scott insisted. He was not convincing—except, perhaps, to racists.

In a week when former Democratic guru James Carville chided Democrats for preaching "wokeness" and not his old bromide "It's the economy, stupid," Biden did both. It was extraordinary. "We have come together to heal the soul of America," he told us. It's not healed, but it's a start.

Biden wove arguments for compassion with a pitch for economic competitiveness. He put action on climate change in terms of jobs, and investing in long-term care jobs in terms of families. He denounced "trickle-down economics" and "white supremacy" without it seeming like lefty jargon. Biden told us that "650 billionaires increased their wealth by more than $1 trillion during the pandemic" (though he didn't, and doesn't, endorse Senator Elizabeth Warren and Representative Pramila Jayapal's worthy wealth tax).

The longtime establishment Democrat translated progressive ideas Wednesday night—paid family leave, serious police reform, free preschool through community college education, extending generous child tax credits at least through 2025, sizable tax hikes on the wealthy, providing clean water and replacing lead pipes (did I call that progressive? What century is this, anyway?)—into American pragmatism: "These are the investments we make together, as one country, and that only government can make." Forty years after Ronald Reagan declared, "Government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem," Democrats mustered their best rejoinder yet.

Appropriately, Biden took a few minutes to extoll what he's accomplished in a historic 100 days. His extraordinary (so far) handling of the pandemic and his pushing through the American Rescue Plan give him a longer runway for his even more ambitious proposals—the American Jobs Plan and the American Families Plan (get it? It's all American!) that will increasingly draw more opposition, including from Democrats. Did he defuse it with this speech? Probably not. I loved it when Republicans refused to applaud his proud declaration that his short-term child tax credit cuts child poverty in half (yay, child poverty!) and also when they begrudgingly did stand up for his war on cancer (but the self-declared Grim Reaper Mitch McConnell did not).

Biden did everything he could in one address to Congress. I've gotten this far without describing what I expected to be the highlight of the night, for me: seeing two women, Vice President Kamala Harris and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, flanking Biden on the dais. When he greeted them, Biden kvelled, "Madame Speaker, Madame Vice President… No president has ever said those words from this podium, and it's about time." Indeed, someday there will be three women up there.

Biden never mentioned Giuliani or Trump, nor should he have. But you could hear echoes of the evil they did nonetheless. "We have to prove democracy still works. That our government still works and can deliver for the people," he said. "In our first 100 days together, we have acted to restore the people's faith in our democracy to deliver."

I found it unexpectedly moving to see Biden address that miniaturized joint session of Congress—a few hundred people, instead of the 1,500 or so that usually crowd the chamber. The smaller number was about Covid, but also security concerns in the wake of the last time we saw our government convene there, on January 6.

"Democracy still works," as Biden promised, despite what Giuliani tried to do. I'm glad the disgraced former New York mayor's legal travails didn't overshadow Biden's unexpectedly extraordinary speech. Giuliani's subversion of democracy will shadow him for the rest of his life. Biden will keep subverting what right-wing Trump and Giuliani tried to achieve—and, I hope, surprising those on the left, myself included, who doubted him.

[Joan Walsh, a national affairs correspondent for The Nation, is the author of What's the Matter With White People? Finding Our Way in the Next America.]

Copyright c 2021The Nation. Reprinted with permission. May not be reprinted without permission. Distributed by PARS International Corp

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Wednesday, April 21, 2021

Biden’s Vision of Millions of Well-Paying Jobs in Clean Energy Is Far From Reality - Bloomberg

Biden's Vision of Millions of Well-Paying Jobs in Clean Energy Is Far From Reality

by Saijel Kishan

<p>Labor groups say wind and solar developers have deterred unionization, which is holding down wages.</p>

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-04-21/biden-s-vision-of-millions-of-well-paying-clean-energy-jobs-is-far-from-reality?sref=woWS9Szx



Working as a construction supervisor one winter, Steven Morones would wake up at 4 a.m. and drive two hours to a Wisconsin cornfield. There, he and the rest of the nonunion crew spent their day assembling a sprawling network of steel I-beams for solar panels to be mounted on. Threading bolts while wearing thick gloves often proved impossible, so when the temperature dropped as low as -13F, his bare hands would stiffen painfully.



While his body battled the elements, Morones's mind was beset by a constant worry: that his $25 hourly wage just wasn't enough to pay his bills. "I was always stressed with the day-to-day," says the 30-year-old father of four. "I just couldn't focus on the future."



Median Hourly Wage by Industry




Data: National Association of State Energy Officials, Energy Futures Initiative



Campaigning for the U.S. presidency and now, as his administration steers a $2.3 trillion infrastructure plan through Congress, Joe Biden has touted the potential for the solar and wind industries to create the types of jobs the U.S. economy has been losing for decades. "A key plank of our Build Back Better recovery plan is building a modern, resilient climate infrastructure and clean energy future that will create millions of good-paying union jobs," Biden said in a Jan. 27 speech laying out his energy policy, which targets zero emissions from electricity generation by 2035.




ADVERTISING



That future is at odds with present-day reality, as Morones and others employed in renewable energy can attest. It's true, the sector has been minting jobs at a healthy clip: Wind turbine service technicians are No. 1 on a list of the fastest-growing occupations compiled by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, and solar installers are in third place. Yet labor groups say companies have either deterred or actively opposed unionization among workers employed in installation and construction, which in the U.S. represent the lion's share of jobs in renewables. That's held down wages while depriving workers of coveted health and retirement benefits.



"The new green economy has been heralded as a win-win for workers and the environment, but that's a big lie to working men and women when wind and solar developers discourage unionization efforts, which we are seeing on most of the large-scale utility projects," says Terry O'Sullivan, general president of the Laborers' International Union of North America (Liuna).

Workers install solar panels on a home in California.
PHOTOGRAPHER: MEL MELCON/LOS ANGELES TIMES/GETTY IMAGES

Wind and solar employ 222,000 construction and installation workers in the U.S., according to a 2020 report compiled by the National Association of State Energy Officials and research firm Energy Futures Initiative. Overall, 4% of solar photovoltaic workers and 6% of wind workers belong to unions, the report says, lower than in nuclear and coal. It's also less than half the 13.4% rate in the private construction industry, according to U.S. government data. Trade groups dispute those numbers; the Solar Energy Industries Association says 10.3% of the workforce is unionized.



One major deterrent to labor organizing is that developers often rely on recruitment agencies to provide a pipeline of laborers. According to the North America's Building Trades Unions (Nabtu), less than a quarter of wind and solar projects that got under way since the start of last year are using unionized workers.

Solar workers who aren't in a union average $16 to $19 an hour, while their counterparts on wind projects get about $17 to $25 an hour, according to Liuna, which represents half a million construction workers. The union says its members working on solar projects get paid an hourly wage of $28.41, while their counterparts in wind get paid about $27.65 an hour, and all have benefits.

"Green capital is antilabor," says Joe Uehlein, president of the Labor Network for Sustainability, a climate and worker advocacy group in Maryland. Solar companies often require installers to sign contracts stating they're independent contractors, making them ineligible to join unions, he says. "They aren't good actors when it comes to treating their workers."

American Clean Power (ACP), a lobbying group that includes some of the industry's biggest players, including Berkshire Hathaway Energy, GE Renewable Energy, and NextEra Energy, pushes back against that characterization. "The clean energy industry is committed to working with unions to ensure that all workers continue to be rewarded for their labor and provided the wage, health, and retirement benefits they deserve," says John Hensley, ACP's vice president for research and analytics.

Morris
SOURCE: SABRINA MORRIS

Sabrina Morris's mind was often on the weather when she started installing rooftop solar panels in California several years ago, a nonunion job that initially paid $15 an hour. A mere drizzle of rain or a gust of wind could make working conditions perilous, but her employers took little note, she says. "There are contractors out there who just want to get the job done quickly and at low cost, putting people at risk," says Morris, 37, who now coordinates safety inspections at another solar energy company in the state.

In California, where a mandate that most newly built single-family homes be outfitted with solar panels took effect last year, the state division of the Occupational Safety and Health Agency has inspected 70 solar installation sites in the last five years, prompted by tips from workers about unsafe conditions and accidents.

Morones says he feels more secure since joining a union last November. He now earns about $34 an hour as a third-year apprentice on a solar project in Illinois, more than he did working as a supervisor in Wisconsin. He also has a 401(k) plan and full medical coverage for him and his family. "It's set me up for the future. I don't have to struggle financially like I did before," he says.

Hours after being sworn in, Biden signed an executive order to have the U.S. reenter the Paris Climate Agreement. Framers of the landmark 2015 accord urged governments to ensure a "just transition" by adopting policies that promote the creation of "quality jobs."

American unions share that goal. "When you look at the transition to green jobs, our concern is: What kind of jobs are they going to be?" says Richard Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, the largest union umbrella group in the country. "If working people start to feel that the transition is really an assault on our way of living or on our standard of living, there's going to be economic and political pushback."



A top priority for Trumka and the rest of organized labor in the U.S. is securing passage of the Protecting the Right to Organize Act—PRO Act for short. The legislation guarantees private-sector employees the right to unionize and would bar employers from retaliating against unionization efforts. It also lowers the bar for contractors to prove they're employees under federal labor law—a provision that may make it harder for renewable energy companies to rely on contingent workers. The PRO Act narrowly passed in the House in December, but faces a tougher test in the Senate.


Robert Scott, a senior economist at the Economic Policy Institute in Washington, D.C., says the changes contemplated in the PRO Act, coupled with the surge in demand for labor that Biden's infrastructure plan would unleash, would benefit workers: "It will give them more leverage and reduce the market power of the employer." ACP declined to comment when asked about the industry's position on the legislation.

Turbines at Orsted's Block Island Wind Farm in Rhode Island.
SOURCE: ORSTED

Organized labor is already making inroads in some parts of the clean energy industry. In November, Orsted, a Danish company that's the world's biggest operator of offshore wind parks, became the first developer to team up with a national union, Nabtu, to train workers transitioning into the industry. The agreement covers Orsted's pipeline of mid-Atlantic offshore wind projects, which will be staffed under collectively bargained prehire labor agreements. "We believe that developers and unions must work together to ensure that the offshore wind industry becomes and remains an important source of high-quality and well-paying jobs in our communities," Orsted said in a statement.

ACP, the trade group, is forecasting there may be as many as 280,000 clean energy jobs unionized by 2030, equal to about a quarter of the industry's projected workforce.

Todd Sorter spent a good part of the lockdown helping erect wind towers in the southwest corner of Minnesota. The bulk of his job involved pouring grout on a large steel ring that helps secure a wind tower's base to its pedestal. For that, the 55-year-old father of three was paid about $30 an hour and received vacation pay, a pension, and a full medical plan. The latter came in handy when Sorter contracted the coronavirus in October and spent four days in the hospital. Although he was unable to work for a month, he counts himself lucky: "If it wasn't for being part of a union, I wouldn't have had the health coverage." —With Saleha Mohsin, Jennifer Jacobs, and Josh Saul

Tuesday, April 20, 2021

What Pandemics Mean for Robots and Inequality [feedly]

I view this problem as the essential structural challenge that capitalism CANNOT solve.

What Pandemics Mean for Robots and Inequality
https://blogs.imf.org/2021/04/19/what-pandemics-mean-for-robots-and-inequality/

From car manufacture to self-service checkouts, we all see how automation can transform the world of work—with lower costs and higher productivity on one hand, and more precarious employment for people on the other. But the COVID-19 pandemic added fuel to the fire. The rise in telework, for example, is hurting low-wage workers and increasing inequality. More broadly, if the pandemic accelerates the pace of automation, then we may face a jobless recovery for low-skilled workers. Our recent IMF staff research suggests that such concerns are justified.

Low-skilled workers are more at risk of displacement by robots than high-skilled workers, which reinforces existing inequality dynamics.

We focus on one form of automation, industrial robots, and analyze the effect of past major pandemics on their adoption: SARS in 2003, H1N1 in 2009, MERS in 2012, and Ebola in 2014. We use econometric techniques and robot data at the sectoral level from the International Federation of Robotics covering 18 industries in 40 countries between 2000 and 2018.

We find that robot adoption (measured by new robot installations per 1000 employees) increases after a pandemic event, especially when the health impact is severe and when the pandemic is associated with a significant economic downturn.

Why do pandemics lead to the rise of robots? We see two key reasons.

First, after large shocks like recessions, firms restructure their businesses and adjust production toward technologies that lower labor costs. Second, firms may prefer robots because they are immune from health risks. Pandemic-induced uncertainty also adds to incentives for automation, as firms try to make sure they can withstand the next pandemic.

The rise of robots and inequality

Robots do not affect all workers in the same way. Low-skilled workers are more at risk of displacement by robots than high-skilled workers, which reinforces existing inequality dynamics.

Looking at country-level data and a larger sample, we find that following a pandemic the increase in inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient, over the medium term is larger where new robot adoption has increased more. Our results suggest that the acceleration of robotization is an important channel through which pandemics lead to higher inequality.

Looking forward, a corollary of our results is that while automation and robotization are accelerating from still-low levels, they will likely become even more important drivers of inequality in the future. Left unchecked, growing disparities may lead to long-lasting grievances and ultimately to social unrest, forming a vicious cycle.

Policymakers need to pay attention to preventing scarring effects on the livelihoods of the most vulnerable, including through appropriate labor market policies.

As automation intensifies following COVID-19 and transforms workplaces, more workers will need to find new jobs, especially those who are less skilled. Policies to mitigate rising inequality include revamping education to meet the demand for more flexible skill sets, and lifelong learning and new training—especially for the most affected workers. A good example is Singapore's SkillsFuture initiative, which promotes learning in all stages of life to address the challenges brought by technological changes.

These measures may still fall short if the training involves acquiring a substantively different and challenging set of skills, raising the possibility of dropouts. It is therefore important for policymakers to consider ways to address medium-term social challenges, including through strengthened social safety nets.

While robotization is inevitable, its distributional outcome will depend on policies. A society that is more willing to provide support to those who are left behind can accommodate a faster pace of innovation, while ensuring that all members of society are better off.


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Is Saving the Planet Under Capitalism Really Possible? [feedly]

Is Saving the Planet Under Capitalism Really Possible?
https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/20/04/2021/saving-planet-under-capitalism-really-possible

C. J. Polychroniou looks at the evidence and wonders if our leaders' ever consider that capitalism is at the core of what's causing life on Earth to vanish.

The theme of the 51st Anniversary of Earth Day is "Restore Our Earth." To be sure, while there has been a growing level of environmental consciousness since the first Earth Day and environmental policies have changed dramatically over the last fifty years, we are really in a race to save the planet.

As things stand, the world now faces two existential crises that threaten organized human life as we know it, and life in general on planet Earth. The first one stems from the continued presence of nuclear weapons. The second one comes from global warming. However, while a nuclear war is actually preventable, we are not sure about global warming.

Allow me to elaborate.

The world has been faced with a threat from a nuclear war since the end of the Second World War. It is an intolerable threat to humanity, and it may just be the case that we have managed so far to avoid a nuclear holocaust by sheer accident. But a nuclear war can be prevented by addressing the sources of conflict and going beyond arms control. We can actually abolish nuclear weapons.

On the other hand, global warming is a certainty. It is already happening. According to the 2020 Global Climate Report from NOAA's National Centers for Environmental Information, the global annual temperature has increased at an average rate of 0.08 degrees Celsius per decade since 1880, but the average rate of increase since 1981 (0.18 degrees Celsius) has been more than twice that rate.

Moreover, the effects of global warming are already present and include excessive heat waves, frequent wildfires, more droughts, greater frequency, intensity and duration of hurricanes, and higher sea levels which will have profound impact on low-lying coastal areas.

The effects of global warming will also be felt most severely on all categories of human movement: displacement, migration, and planned relocation.  The data on human movement in the context of the climate emergency is already daunting. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC), which has been compiling data since 2008 on displacement due to natural disasters, estimated that between 2008 and 2019 there were 265 million new displacements associated with disasters such as storms, floods, and wildfires. This figure does not include estimates on displacement related to drought or estimates on migration and planned relocation  associated with the climate emergency.

The impact of human migration due to the climate crisis is expected to be simply overwhelming. A report released by the World Bank in 2018 estimates that three regions of the world (Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia) will produce 143 million more environmental migrants by 2050.

Make no mistake, global warming is the defining crisis of our time. Climate change has always happened on planet Earth, but there is overwhelming scientific evidence that the Earth's globally averaged temperature surface temperature has been rising due to anthropogenic factors. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change's (IPCC) fifth assessment report, human emissions and activities have caused 100% of the observed increase in temperature since 1950.

Global warming is human-caused and the culprit is industrial capitalism and its addiction to fossil fuels. The burning of fossil fuels (coal, oil, and natural gas) releases carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases which trap heat in the atmosphere and contribute to temperature increases. Scientists have known for decades how exactly carbon dioxide causes global warming. Nuclear physicist Edward Teller warned the oil industry all the way back in 1959 that its product will end up having a catastrophic impact on human civilization.

Moreover, scientific studies have established a proportional correlation between global mean surface air warming and cumulative carbon dioxide emissions. Unsurprisingly, therefore, the 2010s, in which emissions from greenhouse gases grew faster over this decade than they did over the previous three decades, were the hottest decade.

So the heat is on, yet action to contain global warming has been very slow. At COP 21 in Paris, on December 12, 2015, nearly every nation on earth agreed to combat global warming by "holding the increase in the global average temperature well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels." This goal is to be attained through substantial cuts in carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions. However, the Paris Agreement is a toothless climate accord. It lacks an enforcement mechanism and contains very few direct requirements. Most of the countries that signed the Paris Agreement are not on track to meet their pledge, and while some investors move away from coal, new coal-fired plants continue to be built in many parts of the developing world. Indeed, perhaps indicative of all of the above, a recent United Nations Environment Programme report suggests that we are on track for an average temperature rise well above 3 degrees Celsius.   

At this stage, while a quick wind-down of fossil fuel production is absolutely critical to slow the rate of global warming, we must accept the fact that the Earth's temperature would continue to rise over the next several decades.  At this point, even reducing carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases to zero won't stop global warming.

Nonetheless, zero emissions is a must if we don't want to see human civilization crumble within a few decades from now - a distinct possibility if we don't take immediate action this decade, according to a policy paper by the Breakthrough National Center for Climate Restoration in Melbourne. 

Decarbonizing the world economy is technically and financially feasible. Leading progressive economist Robert Pollin, co-author, with Noam Chomsky, of Climate Crisis and the Global Green New Deal: The Political Economy of Saving the Planet (Verso, 2020) has advanced a detailed Global Green New Deal project which points the way we can shift to clean and renewable energy source, while stimulating growth at the same time, providing millions of new jobs, and making a just transition.

Pollin estimates that it would require committing approximately 2.5 percent of global GDP per year to investment spending in areas designed to improve energy efficiency standards across the board (buildings, automobiles, transportation systems, industrial production processes) and to massively expand the availability of clean energy sources for zero emissions to be realized by 2050. This estimate was recently corroborated by a study released from the International Renewable Energy Agency. 

Pollin shows that the financing of a Global Green New Deal can be done through four large-scale funding sources: (1) a carbon tax, with 75 percent of the revenues going back to the public but 25 percent channeled into clean energy investment projects; (2) transfer funds out  of military budgets; (3) a Green Bond lending program introduced by the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank; (4) the elimination of all fossil fuel subsidies and the transfer of 25 percent of those funds into clean energy investments

However, putting an end to the use of fossil fuels and relying instead on clean and renewable sources of energy is not the end of the story in the effort to save the planet. We also need to stop deforestation and embark on afforestation. The most recent data by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reveals that deforestation alone is responsible for about 12 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions.

Planet Earth is also confronted with a scale of biodiversity loss so great that scientists and conservationists speak of a sixth mass extinction. We are in the midst of witnessing the extinction of up to a million of species (plants and animals). Only five times before in the history of the planet have so many species been lost so quickly. However, the sixth extinction is an unnatural history, as the title and subtitle respectively of a book published by Elizabeth Kolbert in 2014 indicates, in that it is caused by human activities, related primarily to the burning of fossil fuels.  

Unsurprisingly, biodiversity agreements have failed thus far to stop biodiversity loss, although by failing to do so humanity risks its own extinction.

As world leaders come together for Earth Day 2021 (April 20-22), allegedly to seek ways to "Restore Our Earth," one wonders if the mere thought that capitalism is at the core of what's causing life on Earth to vanish ever crossed their mind. For, in the end, saving the planet may require even more than ending capitalism's addiction to fossil fuels. It may require an entirely new socio-economic system, one capable of sustaining the environment and respecting nature along with all life forms in it.

 

 

This is a revised article which originally appeared in Common Dreams under the title "Rescuing the Planet Is Still Possible: The Case for a Global Green New Deal" (April 18, 2021).


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