Sunday, June 24, 2018

The Infinite Desire For Growth: a review [feedly]

The Infinite Desire For Growth: a review
http://stumblingandmumbling.typepad.com/stumbling_and_mumbling/2018/06/the-infinite-desire-for-growth-a-review.html

What's so good about economic growth? This has been a tricky question ever since Richard Easterlin pointed out (arguably (pdf)) that there is no connection between GDP growth and a nation's overall subjective well-being. In The Infinite Desire for Growth, Daniel Cohen proposes an answer to this question. It's that economic growth helps to legitimate societies:

Growth is more important than wealth for the functioning of our societies; growth gives everyone the hope, short-lived but always revived, of rising above one's psychological and social condition. It is the promise that soothes worries, not its fulfilment.

This echoes Adam Smith:

The progressive state is in reality the cheerful and the hearty state to all the different orders of the society. The stationary is dull; the declining, melancholy.

Cohen places this in a wider context. The Enlightenment, he says, replaced the Christian hope of redemption in the next world with the hope of progress in this one.

This is consistent with – and a complement to – Ben Friedman's observation that slower economic growth breeds intolerance and racism: when people lack hope, they get meaner. This is perhaps the single most important fact about western politics today. 

And herein, of course, lies the problem. We are, says Cohen, "experiencing an industrial revolution without growth." Whereas earlier industrial revolutions saw workers leave agriculture to work in capital-intensive factories where they became more productive, today's revolution is bumping workers out of such jobs and into less productive ones; this is a natural effect of Moravec's paradox. Sure, tech giants such as Apple and Facebook are very productive. But they are too small a part of the economy. As Cohen says, "if a worker's individual productivity does not increase, growth is necessarily weak."

Whereas growth offers hope for all, its absence has, says Cohen, led to an increase in management by stress; rewards for a few, the sack for others. There's more stick, less carrot. Again, Cohen places this into a deeper context. Whereas the Enlightenment offered freedom and autonomy for all, these values are denied to people in capitalistic workplaces.

All this poses profound questions. Could decent growth resume? Cohen is pessimistic (though personally I'd have liked him to stress the shortcomings of neoliberal capitalism more than digitization and environmental constraints). If it cannot, he says, we need different types of progress. As John Stuart Mill said, a stationary state of incomes "implies no stationary state of human improvement. There would be as much scope as ever for all kinds of mental culture, and moral and social progress."

It's here that Cohen disappoints me. He offers few suggestions of what such progress might be, and how we might rekindle the legitimating hope societies need. Like Roger Betancourt, I found the end of the book a letdown.

This, however, is only a minor criticism. In a short book, Cohen has packed in countless thought-provoking insights about the links between growth, technical change and society. I suspect that many English readers will share my humility at just how much he has read that I haven't.

And Cohen is at least posing questions that most of the political class in the west are not even considering. Societies, he says, are "demonstrating an astonishingly weak capacity to project themselves into the future." In a country whose rulers are debating how to project us into the past, Cohen's book is a much-needed breath of fresh air.



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Saturday, June 23, 2018

Nationalism Will Go Bankrupt [feedly]

Nationalism Will Go Bankrupt
https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/nationalism-fails-to-lift-living-standards-by-anatole-kaletsky-2018-06


Jun 20, 2018 

The opposite of populist nationalism is not globalist elitism; it is economic realism. And in the end, countries such as Britain, the United States, and now Italy will learn the hard way that reality always eventually wins.

ROME – Nationalism versus globalism, not populism versus elitism, appears to be this decade's defining political conflict. Almost wherever we look – at the United States or Italy or Germany or Britain, not to mention China, Russia, and India – an upsurge of national feeling has become the main driving force of political events.

US President Donald Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau hold a meeting on the sidelines of the G7 Summit

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Jun 21, 2018  worries that Donald Trump's policies and behavior are starting to leave a permanent mark on US alliances.

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By contrast, the supposed rebellion of "common people" against elites has not been much in evidence. Billionaires have taken over US politics under President Donald Trump; unelected professors run the "populist" Italian government; and all over the world, taxes have been slashed on the ever-rising incomes of financiers, technologists, and corporate managers. Meanwhile, ordinary workers have resigned themselves to the reality that high-quality housing, education, and even health care are hopelessly beyond their reach.

The dominance of nationalism over egalitarianism is particularly striking in Italy and Britain, two countries once famous for their phlegmatic sense of national identity. Flags in Britain are notable for their absence even on government buildings, and until the Brexit referendum the people there were so relaxed about their nationhood that they could not even be bothered to agree on the country's name: the United Kingdom, Britain, or England, Wales, and Scotland.

Italians were even less nationalistic. Since the European Union's founding, Italians have been the biggest proponents of federalism, with opinion polls showing that, until recently, voters had more trust in EU leaders in Brussels than in their own government in Rome. Italians are passionate about their culture, history, food, and football, but their patriotism has mostly been directed to regions and cities, not to the nation state. They prefer to be ruled from Brussels than from Rome.

The far-right League party, the junior member in Italy's new coalition government, was still called the Northern League until this year. One of its favorite slogans was "Garibaldi did not unite Italy; he divided Africa," and its main political demand was the country's abolition. Instead, the party demanded the creation of a new country called Padania that would separate the prosperous northern regions from the corruption and poverty of Rome and points south.

What, then, explains the sudden dominance of nationalism? There is not much positively patriotic about the new nationalism in Italy, Britain, or even the US. Instead, the upsurge of national feeling seems largely a xenophobic phenomenon, as famously defined by the Czech-American sociologist Karl Deutsch: "A nation is a group of people linked together by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbors." Hard times – low wages, inequality, regional deprivation, and post-crisis austerity – provoke a hunt for scapegoats, and foreigners are always a tempting target.

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There is nothing patriotic about Trump's belligerence against Mexican immigrants and Canadian imports, or the nativist policies of the new Italian government, or Theresa May's most famous statement after becoming UK Prime Minister: "If you believe you are a citizen of the world, you are a citizen of nowhere. You don't understand what citizenship means."

Now for some good news for those of us still proud to be "citizens of the world": The xenophobic effort to blame economic hardship on foreigners is doomed to failure.

Consider the post-crisis effort to divert popular anger about the collapse of market fundamentalist economics onto "greedy bankers." This ultimately failed, in part because bankers have huge resources to defend themselves, which foreigners generally do not. But banker-bashing failed to assuage public anger mainly because attacking finance did nothing to boost wages, diminish inequality, or reverse social neglect. The same will be true of the current attacks on foreign influence, whether through immigration or trade.

Britain, for example, is gradually waking up to the fact that European issues have nothing to do with the genuine political grievances that motivated a large part of the "Leave" vote. Instead, the Brexit negotiations will now dominate and distract British politics for many years, or even decades. And Britain's nationalist confrontation with the rest of Europe will offer politicians of all parties endless excuses for failing to improve everyday life.

In the months or years ahead, voters in the US and Italy will learn the same lesson. There, too, scapegoating foreign influences, whether through trade or immigration, will do nothing to lift living standards or address the sources of political discontent.

Italy has legitimate grievances against the EU: hypocritical and inequitable policies on asylum and sea rescues, self-defeating fiscal rules, and economically illiterate financial policies. But the new government is also exploiting the nationalist upsurge to attack reforms that have nothing to do with Europe and are vital to Italy's economic success.

Successive Italian governments since the financial crisis have gradually laid the foundations for pension, labor market, and banking reforms. These changes have created the conditions for economic recovery, which began last year, following a decade of recession; but they have been politically unpopular and are now being denounced as symbols of elitist foreign oppression. If the new government abandons all three reform projects, Italians can also abandon hope of economic recovery, perhaps for another decade.

The US will also discover that attacking foreign interests is no panacea and can make hardship worse. Trump thinks his measures against imports from China, Germany, and Canada will hurt these trading partners and create American jobs. This might have been true when the US economy was suffering weak growth and deflation. But in a world of strong demand and rising inflation, German and Chinese exporters will find new markets for their products, whereas US manufacturers will struggle to replace foreign suppliers. BMW and Huawei will be just fine, whereas tariffs will act as a tax on American consumers, through higher prices, and on American workers, businesses, and homeowners, through rising interest rates.

The opposite of populist nationalism is not globalist elitism; it is economic realism. And in the end, reality will win.



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Friday, June 22, 2018

Christine Lagarde: Estimating Cyber Risk for the Financial Sector [feedly]

Estimating Cyber Risk for the Financial Sector
https://blogs.imf.org/2018/06/22/estimating-cyber-risk-for-the-financial-sector/

By Christine Lagarde

June 22, 2018

Versions in  中文 Français , Русский 

Average annual losses to financial institutions from cyber-attacks could reach a few hundred billion dollars a year (photo: Eti Ammos/iStock by Getty Images)

Cyber risk has emerged as a significant threat to the financial system. An IMF staff modeling exercise estimates that average annual losses to financial institutions from cyber-attacks could reach a few hundred billion dollars a year, eroding bank profits and potentially threatening financial stability.

Recent cases show that the threat is real. Successful attacks have already resulted in data breaches in which thieves gained access to confidential information, and fraud, such as the theft of $500 million from the Coincheck cryptocurrency exchange. And there is the threat that a targeted institution could be left unable to operate.

Not surprisingly, surveys consistently show that risk managers and other executives at financial institutions worry most about cyber-attacks, as in the graphic below.

Financial sector's vulnerability

The financial sector is particularly vulnerable to cyber-attacks. These institutions are attractive targets because of their crucial role in intermediating funds. A successful cyber-attack on one institution could spread rapidly through the highly interconnected financial system. Many institutions still use older systems that might not be resilient to cyber-attacks. And a successful cyber-attack can have direct material consequences through financial losses as well as indirect costs such as diminished reputation.

Recent high-profile cases have increasingly put cyber risk on the agenda of the official sector—including international organizations. However, quantitative analysis of cyber risk is still at an early stage, especially due to the lack of data on the cost of cyber-attacks, and difficulties in modeling cyber risk.

Cyber risk has emerged as a significant threat to the financial system.

A recent IMF study provides a framework for thinking about potential losses due to cyber-attacks with a focus on the financial sector.

Estimating potential losses

The modeling framework uses techniques from actuarial science and operational risk measurement to estimate aggregate losses from cyber-attacks. This requires an assessment of the frequency of cyber-attacks on financial institutions and an idea of the distribution of losses from such events. Numerical simulations can then be used to estimate the distribution of aggregate cyber-attack losses.

We illustrate our framework using a data set covering recent losses due to cyber-attacks in 50 countries. This provides an example of how potential losses for financial institutions could be estimated. The exercise is difficult and is made even more challenging by major data gaps on cyber risk. Moreover, thankfully, there has yet been no successful, large-scale cyber-attack on the financial system.

Our results should thus be considered as illustrative. Taken at face value, they suggest that average annual potential losses from cyber-attacks may be large, close to 9 percent of banks' net income globally, or around $100 billion. In a severe scenario—in which the frequency of cyber-attacks would be twice as high as in the past with greater contagion— losses could be 2½–3½ times as high as this, or $270 billion to $350 billion.

The framework could be used to examine extreme risk scenarios involving massive attacks. The distribution of the data we have collected suggests that in such scenarios, representing the worst 5 percent of cases, average potential losses could reach as high as half of banks' net income, putting the financial sector at risk.

Such estimated losses are several orders of magnitude greater than the present size of the cyber insurance market. Despite recent growth, the insurance market for cyber risk remains small with around $3 billion in premiums globally in 2017. Most financial institutions do not even carry cyber insurance. Coverage is limited, and insurers face challenges in evaluating risk because of uncertainty about cyber exposures, lack of data, and possible contagion effects.

The way forward

There is much scope to improve risk assessments. Government collection of more granular, consistent, and complete data on the frequency and impact of cyber-attacks would help assess risk for the financial sector. Requirements to report breaches—such as considered under the EU's General Data Protection Regulation—should improve knowledge of cyber-attacks. Scenario analysis could be used to develop a comprehensive assessment of how cyber-attacks could spread and design adequate responses by private institutions and governments.

Further work is needed also to understand how to strengthen the resilience of financial institutions and infrastructures, both to reduce the odds of a successful cyber-attack but also to facilitate smooth and rapid recovery. There is also a need to build capacity in the official sector in many parts of the world to monitor and regulate such risks.

In sum, strengthening the regulatory and supervisory frameworks for cyber risk is needed, and efforts should focus on effective supervisory practices, realistic vulnerability and recovery testing, and contingency planning. The IMF is providing technical assistance to help member countries improve their regulatory and supervisory frameworks.



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Krugman: Return of the Blood Libel


Return of the Blood Libel


Paul Krugman

The speed of America's moral descent under Donald Trump is breathtaking. In a matter of months we've gone from a nation that stood for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness to a nation that tears children from their parents and puts them in cages.

What's almost equally remarkable about this plunge into barbarism is that it's not a response to any actual problem. The mass influx of murderers and rapists that Trump talks about, the wave of crime committed by immigrants here (and, in his mind, refugees in Germany), are things that simply aren't happening. They're just sick fantasies being used to justify real atrocities.

And you know what this reminds me of? The history of anti-Semitism, a tale of prejudice fueled by myths and hoaxes that ended in genocide.

First, let's talk about modern U.S. immigration and how it compares to those sick fantasies.

There is a highly technical debate among economists about whether low-education immigrants exert a depressing effect on the wages of low-education native-born workers (most researchers find that they don't, but there is some disagreement). This debate, however, is playing no role in Trump policies.


What these policies reflect, instead, is a vision of "American carnage," of big cities overrun by violent immigrants. And this vision bears no relationship to reality.

For one thing, despite a small uptick since 2014, violent crime in America is actually at historical lows, with the homicide rate back to where it was in the early 1960s. (German crime is also at a historical low, by the way.) Trump's carnage is a figment of his imagination.

True, if we look across America there is a correlation between violent crime and the prevalence of undocumented immigrants — a negative correlation. That is, places with a lot of immigrants, legal and undocumented, tend to have exceptionally low crime rates. The poster child for this tale of un-carnage is the biggest city of them all: New York, where more than a third of the population is foreign-born, probably including around half a million undocumented immigrants — and crime has fallen to levels not seen since the 1950s.

And this really shouldn't be surprising, because criminal conviction data show that immigrants, both legal and undocumented, are significantly less likely to commit crimes than the native-born.

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So the Trump administration has been terrorizing families and children, abandoning all norms of human decency, in response to a crisis that doesn't even exist.

Where does this fear and hatred of immigrants come from? A lot of it seems to be fear of the unknown: The most anti-immigrant states seem to be places, like West Virginia, where hardly any immigrants live.

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But virulent hatred for immigrants isn't just a matter of rural rubes. Trump himself is, of course, a wealthy New Yorker, and a lot of the funding for anti-immigrant groups comes from foundations controlled by right-wing billionaires. Why do wealthy, successful people end up hating immigrants? I sometimes find myself thinking about the TV commentator Lou Dobbs, whom I used to know and like in the early 2000s, but who has become a rabid anti-immigrationist (and Trump confidant), and who is currently warning against a pro-immigrant plot by "the Illuminati of K Street."

I don't know what drives such people — but we've seen this movie before, in the history of anti-Semitism.

The thing about anti-Semitism is that it was never about anything Jews actually did. It was always about lurid myths, often based on deliberate fabrications, that were systematically spread to engender hatred.

For example, for centuries people repeated the "blood libel" — the claim that Jews sacrificed Christian babies as part of the Passover ritual.

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In the early part of the 20th century there was wide dissemination of "The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion," a supposed plan for Jewish world domination that was probably forged by the Russian secret police. (History repeats itself, the first time as tragedy, the second time as more tragedy.)

The fake document received wide dissemination in the United States thanks to none other than Henry Ford, a virulent anti-Semite who oversaw the publication and distribution of a half-million copies of an English translation, "The International Jew." Ford later apologized for publishing a forgery, but the damage was done.

Again, why would someone like Ford — not only wealthy, but also one of the most admired men of his time — have gone down this path? I don't know, but clearly such things happen.

In any case, the important thing to understand is that the atrocities our nation is now committing at the border don't represent an overreaction or poorly implemented response to some actual problem that needs solving. There is no immigration crisis; there is no crisis of immigrant crime.

No, the real crisis is an upsurge in hatred — unreasoning hatred that bears no relationship to anything the victims have done. And anyone making excuses for that hatred — who tries, for example, to turn it into a "both sides" story — is, in effect, an apologist for crimes against humanity.-- 


John Case
Harpers Ferry, WV
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Thursday, June 21, 2018

Socialist Theses: in increments, part 1

This is really a diary of reflections on socialism and its range of attributes and methodologies.

1. "Socialism has no economics, so what can I possibly have to say about it that would merit consideration above any other opinion?" This is as close a paraphrase I can recall of a reply by Paul Krugman to a question posed at the American Economics Association annual meeting in New Orleans a few years ago. The question was: "Wouldn't socialism solve all these problems"? The subject was the devastation on labor and the poor in the Great Recession. He went on to quip "economically, socialism is merely expansion of public goods", which, without going into a long discourse on the economic definition of "a public good", are generally free, and non-exclusive or universal in access---no money, no exchange -- . The left labor folks did not seem pleased with Krugman's remark, but he was actually channeling Karl Marx (I've never seen Krugman quote Marx!), who, more than once, observed that capitalism arises from scarcity, and communism from abundance. When asked about the political economy of communism -- Marx also replied -- it has none.

2. In politics, socialism tends to arise to beat back the resistance to the expansion of public goods by the private interests, and to share the rising wealth (increasing abundance) created by capitalist development.

3. Extending this thought backwards, one would judge the early phases of the Chinese and Russian revolutions (both taking place in technically and economically backward nations against putrid feudal regimes) as marked by a serious  error. What does it mean, for example, to socialize a good that, for the moment, is NOT abundant, like food? It means the lines for access will be long (unproductive time is very expensive), and bribes will be made in other scarce goods to get to the front of the line. I don't see how avoiding corruption is even possible in that scenario -- a political disease that can prove fatal for a regime if it cannot be reversed.  Naive economics combined with serious security threats is a particularly dangerous cocktail. At the same time, aligning the expansion of public goods with the capacity to afford and implement them will be a complex and difficult balance. The Chinese appear to be making headway in mastering this.

4. Its dangerous to think in absolutes. Consider the connection between innovation, and scarcity. In order, for example, to "abolish capitalism", one would have to postulate a theory of non-economic scarcity, since every NEW thing or service will begin as scarce. Who gets it first?

5. Unrestrained capitalism tears communities, nations, indeed the world, apart. Yet it is the engine of advances in wealth that haves sustained the uneven but nonetheless most astonishing rise of human science, art,  achievement and fulfillment. It will not be modified or overcome except in rough proportion to the supply of the means of life as public goods.

Notes on Marx's proletariat.

6. Marx predicted the industrial proletariat would be the gravediggers of capitalism. A good historical economic argument can be made that indeed these wage workers were, and are, the gravediggers of a definite mode and era in capitalist development. There is good evidence and documentation on the very large impact of the class struggles  -- meaning the political and economic mobilization of mass production factory workers and their communities, as an economic and social class  --- in response to the dominant relations of employment then. Those relations were perfectly captured in a remark by Henry Ford that the ideal employee was "a maggot with hands".



7. Most of this mobilization was within concentrated local or regional labor markets, but occasionally, as in the  1946  coordinated CIO 'general'  strike, became national. Nonetheless, it transformed the craft based US labor movement and made collective bargaining a "law of the land"-- a law created and modeled on the patterns and balance of forces of industrial relations established in the 1930s and 1940s uprisings of Marx's proletariat.



8. Nationally, Marx's "industrial proletariat" played a key role in the rise of social-democracy in the US in the form of the New Deal. Internationally, this same class advanced social democratic reforms that took both communist and socialist/social-democratic forms in Europe, similar to the New Deal (soc. security, unemployment, legalize unions) plus national health care. In the developing world run by monarchies and imperial dictatorships, including Russia, Vietnam, Cuba and China, it took primarily communist forms as a political trend -- determined by who led the liberation from colonialism. This class is playing a key role in China now demanding a rise in living standards and culture in response to the "factory of the world" labor markets. Everywhere manufacturing in the mass production phase



9. But that class -- industrial workers -- is being obliterated in advanced economies. The process is longstanding and not reversible. Most labor is hired and deployed now as a service. Service workers' income, however is widely disparate by sector, and by the divisions of human capital (education, personality, experience, etc) and its impact on the labor market. Further the employee--employer--customer relationship is significantly altered from manufacturing in most service occupations. Even much that remains product-based in advanced economies is engaged in producing an intangible commodities (e.g. software).

10. To the "proletariat's" significant achievements in raising wages and standards in manufacturing, and contributing to a vast expansion of democratic power world-wide,  must be added the accelerated incentives  for corporations to automate. Add to this the ability to export labor intensive manufacturing to less developed parts of the world, or closer to export markets and/or important resources, voila, you have both the seeds and bitter fruits of the disappearance of the "middle class". Recovery from this phase will not be led by the disappeared, but by.....who? The end now has to include erosion of the "lower" class, and the "upper" classes, altogether, by the advance of "free stuff"

Socialism and Fascism

11. In the prolog to World War II, German and Italian fascism triumphed because Left and social democratic forces failed to unite to defeat it. On the social democratic side were forces who supported reform of capitalist relations. On the Left, mostly Communist, were those who saw capitalism itself as the cause of the fascist threat, and (therefore?) an inevitable consequence of capitalist relations. An important question is: Was that failure to unite to defeat fascism inevitable? Did it really require raising the question to an entirely different international level, where the question of unity had to be put before Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill?

It's worth reviewing the connection between capitalism and fascism, in light of the rise of Trump and other 21st Century--hatched fascist movements. I start from the following premises, which I do not want to argue here, but seem beyond debate:

  • Capitalism has long term as well as short term cycles. The long term ones are associated with sudden or accumulated major shifts in both technology, and capital accumulation. Technology over time (and the science behind it) radically restructures the division of labor in society, and thus alters  its class and political structure in profound ways. Such restructuring demands vast sums of capital to achieve, and deploy throughout economies and societies. This results in a powerful tendency, well documented by Thomas Piketty, toward inequality and the undermining of democracy as instability grows.
  • Capitalist development generates, at different times and stages, powerful incentives both for and against democratic social organization. On the one hand, no owner of a business wants the state to be handing out prerogatives and monopolies (like the Kings did!) to their  favorites (unless its him!). On the other, they resist EVERY tax intended to avert the catastrophes associated with rising inequalities and the injustices they inflict and perpetuate.
  • Fascist movements have signatures that are unique to each culture in which they arise, but they share 1)  active support and financing from the most degraded faction of the rich; 2) a reliance on racism, nationalism and fear to divide and separate their adversaries, since they seldom actually represent a majority of the population; 3) a wholesale rejection of democratic institutions and values in favor of rule by force.

12. We see today in the US a revised form of the divisions that failed to halt fascism in the 1930s. The US has a two party system which naturally evolves from the winner take all outcomes and rules that dominate most elections. The divisions between anti-fascist forces thus take place mainly within and around the Democratic Party, at least for now. The Hillary-Bernie gap is the most publicized reflection. But there are more dimensions than that. Neither trade unions, pro-equality movements, pro-peace, public health and environmental advocates, most liberal and "new" capital (think Robert Rubin for an example), nor many others have identical stances or interests -- though all are mostly opposed to the fascist threat. It is unreasonable to expect these forces to unite as one---because they are NOT 'one'.  But it is essential that they coalesce to rid themselves of the threat that will doom them all.

13 For the liberal and social democrat, no reforms will happen until the threat to democracy by fascists is defeated. That cannot happen without joining with the Left, which means that the commitment to REFORM to remedy the social basis of the fascist threat must be sincere.  For the Left, "capitalism", reformed or not, will persist as long as the means of life are significantly satisfied by commodities -- things sold and purchased for cash or credit. Commodities will persist as long as they are scarce, and recede in proportion to rising abundance. So too with capitalism and socialism. As abundance grows the former will recede and the latter expand. What is socialism? We will know we are there when most stuff is free.


more to come.






TPC: 2017 Tax Law Could Leave Most Low- and Middle-Income Families Worse Off



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TPC: 2017 Tax Law Could Leave Most Low- and Middle-Income Families Worse Off // Center on Budget: Comprehensive News Feed
https://www.cbpp.org/blog/tpc-2017-tax-law-could-leave-most-low-and-middle-income-families-worse-off

The new tax law could wind up harming the vast majority of low- and middle-income families, an updated Tax Policy Center (TPC) analysis shows.


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Wednesday, June 20, 2018

The Pain of Puerto Ricans: A Profit Source for Creditors [feedly]

The Pain of Puerto Ricans: A Profit Source for Creditors
http://cepr.net/publications/op-eds-columns/the-pain-of-puerto-ricans-a-profit-source-for-creditors

Lara Merling
The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 20, 2018

See article on original site

Puerto Rico was already in trouble after suffering a "lost decade" without economic growth after 2005, leading to a default on its public debt and mass migration from the island. That was before it got hit with one of the most powerful storms in history, Hurricane Maria, on September 20, 2017, followed by criminally inadequate relief and reconstruction funds. Now some of those funds might actually end up with its creditors, compounding the outrage that the remaining residents must suffer.

A new study from Harvard University estimates Puerto Rico's death toll from Hurricane Maria to be close to 5,000 people, prompting demands for a revision of the suspiciously low official count claiming only 64 people died as a result of the storm.

To make matters worse, the Harvard study attributes thousands of deaths to delays in receiving medical care in the storm's aftermath. Many of these deaths were avoidable, an outrage that made many Puerto Ricans feel like they were being treated as second class citizens.

But their troubles were just beginning. With an unsustainable debt burden, the island's finances had been handed over to a Fiscal Management and Oversight Board (the Board) that was appointed by the US Congress. Prior to the storm, the board had certified a ten-year austerity plan that would lead to another lost decade of economic growth.

In the months after Maria, some federal support started to trickle in and appropriations from the US Congress increased. Even President Trump declared the island's public debt to be "unpayable." The situation prompted a review of the Board's fiscal plan, in order to account for the island's post-hurricane reality.

When the review process started, the Board released a set of "core principles" that promised a plan that would provide sufficient relief and focus on rebuilding the island. A number of prominent economists, including Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, signed a letter warning of the devastating effects that a return to austerity would have for both Puerto Rico's people and its economy.

Yet, as my colleague Jake Johnston and I show in a new report, the Board's new post-hurricane fiscal plan takes the same path of demanding more austerity, including sharp cuts for most government services. Government agencies are also expected to implement a series of layoffs, restrict labor rights, and cut public sector pensions across the board. The measures mandated by the Board would directly hurt a large number of Puerto Ricans already struggling to recover.

Even more shocking, the plan puts aside funds for a fiscal surplus that may be available for creditors to claim. The surplus would be about $6.1 billion over six fiscal years ― actually higher than the $4.5 billion surplus that was predicted before the storm hit.

Puerto Rico needs an estimated $95 billion to rebuild, but is due to receive just $54 billion from the federal government, and about $8 billion from private insurers. The increase in the surplus is not due to Puerto Rico having too much money, but rather to the Board's seeming willingness to prioritize creditors' interests over relief efforts.

One place where austerity was not considered was for the Board itself. The plan set aside a whopping $1.5 billion to cover its expenses and professional fees. The Board's executive director has an annual salary of $625,000, topped with very generous benefits. This type of lavish spending is especially distasteful coming from an unelected body that's mandating sharp cuts for the island's residents.      

Meanwhile, as our fellow citizens in Puerto Rico suffer, The Wall Street Journal has named Puerto Rican bonds the investment of the year. Bond prices ticked up after news of the projected surplus reached creditors, some of whom were vulture funds who bought the bonds at a steep discount, hoping to cash in at full value.

This is too much. The US Congress and the Federal government cannot continue to destroy what is left of Puerto Rico's economy, and drive more of the population from the island (over 10 percent have already left over the past decade). The federal authorities must arrange for debt cancellation and sufficient reconstruction ― not austerity ― so that Puerto Rico can survive and return to economic growth.


Lara Merling is a research associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, and lead author of the new report "Puerto Rico's New Fiscal Plan: Certain Pain, Uncertain Gain."



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