Saturday, April 16, 2022

Dean Baker: If Wage Growth Is Driving Inflation, Why Is Workers’ Share of Income Falling?

 

via patreon

If Wage Growth Is Driving Inflation, Why Is Workers’ Share of Income Falling?

A popular line on our recent surge of inflation is that an over-tight  labor market has led to rapid wage growth, which in turn is forcing  companies to raise prices. Higher prices will lead workers to demand  higher wages, which will give us a wage-price spiral and soon lead to  double-digit inflation.

While this was a story that plausibly fit the data in the 1970s, it  is very hard to make the wage-price spiral fit the current situation for  a simple reason: the wage share of income has fallen sharply since the  pandemic.

As can be seen, the wage share of corporate income had been  recovering gradually from the troughs it hit following the Great  Recession in 2014.[1] However, we see a sharp reversal in 2021, with the wage share falling  from 76.1 percent to 73.7 percent, a decline of 2.4 percentage points.

Perhaps some economists can tell a story where rapid wage growth is  driving inflation even as the wage share of income is falling, but I’m  not that good an economist. This still looks to me like a case where  supply-side disruptions, associated with the reopening from the pandemic  and the war in Ukraine are driving inflation.

This view is consistent with the fact that year-over-year inflation  in the European Union was 7.5 percent as of March. The EU countries did  not have as big a stimulus as the United States and by most measures its  labor market is not as tight.

[1] Wage share actually refers to all labor compensation, Line 4, NIPA  Table 1.14. Corporate income is the sum of labor compensation and net  operating surplus (Line 8).

Saturday, April 9, 2022

Dean Baker on Biden, Reagan, inflation, and "booms"

 The Biden and Reagan Booms

via Dean Baker's Patreon list.

In the general telling of popular history, the Reagan years were a period of a booming economy and general prosperity. Reagan was of course re-elected in a landslide. And, for the only time since Calvin Coolidge, he was succeeded by an elected president of his own party.

In spite of the celebration of the Reagan economy, most workers actually lost ground in the 1980s. Their wages did not keep pace with inflation. And, unlike the current situation, where a war is pushing up the world price of oil and other commodities, in the eighties world oil prices declined sharply from peaks reached following the Iranian revolution.

The inflation adjusted average hourly wage was 1 cent lower in January of 1985, the end of Reagan’s first term, than it had been when he took office in 1981.[1]The rate of decline accelerated in Reagan’s second term so that in January of 1989 it was 1.7 percent lower than when Reagan took office. This means that over his two terms in office, rather than sharing in the gains from growth, workers actually lost ground.

This history provides a notable contrast to the current situation. The media were happy to completely ignore the reality of declining real wages throughout the Reagan era. By contrast, they are happy to jump on a drop in real wages in the last year due to the reopening from the pandemic (the jump in inflation is worldwide) and the war in Ukraine.

The focus on inflation in reporting has been so intense that most people tell pollsters that they think we lost jobs last year, even though it was the strongest year for job growth ever. I’m an economist, not a psychologist, I don’t know how people form their views of the economy. But I can say that the media have not been giving an accurate picture of the economy, nor one that is consistent with their reporting during the Reagan era.

[1]This is for production and non-supervisory workers, a group that comprises roughly 80 percent of the workforce.

Monday, April 4, 2022

Dean Baker: Remarks on March Jobs Report

Many of us have highlighted both the strong pace of job growth and the drop in unemployment in March. This is great news. We are now looking at a labor market that is as strong as at any point in the last fifty years.

This should be cause for celebration, but all the Republicans have said they don't give a damn about people getting jobs, the issue is inflation. And, most media commentators seem to agree. Hey, what difference does it make if someone can find a job, what about the price of gas?

I'm not sure how much gas people who don't have jobs can buy, but in any case, there was some good news about inflation in this report as well. The scary story about inflation being pushed by inflation hawks like Larry Summers, is that we are facing a wage-price spiral.

In this story, we are not concerned about just a one-time increase in the inflation rate. The real problem is that the inflation rate will continue to increase unless the Fed raises interest rates enough to give us a severe recession. So, the choice is either an inflation rate that spirals ever upward or a stretch of high, maybe even double-digit, unemployment.

On this front, the March data did indeed have good news. First and most importantly, there is some evidence that wage growth is slowing.

The average hourly rose by 5.6 percent over the last year, but it increased at a just a 5.1 percent annual rate comparing last three months (Jan-March) with the prior three months (Oct-Dec). There is a similar story with the pay of production and non-supervisory workers. Their average hourly wage increased 6.7 percent year over year, but rose at just a 6.0 percent annual rate comparing last three months with the prior three months. Pay for production workers in leisure and hospitality, which had been soaring, slowed from a 14.9 percent year over year increase, to an 8.3 percent annual rate comparing last three months, with the prior three months.

The wage data are erratic, and the picture may look very different next month, but the evidence in the March report is that wage growth is slowing, not accelerating. That is not consistent with the wage-price spiral story we keep hearing.

Other data in the report also suggest some weakening of the labor market. The length of the average workweek fell by 0.1 hour in March. This left the index of aggregate hours unchanged, in spite of the 431,000 jobs created in the month. This is consistent with the labor shortage becoming less severe.

The length of the average workweek has been consistently higher than the pre-pandemic level over the last year. This is consistent with a story where employers, facing difficulty getting new workers, have their existing workforce put in more hours. The shortening of the workweek in the March data could indicate that employers are facing fewer difficulties in hiring.

The other item in this report suggesting some weakening of the labor market is the drop in the share of unemployment due to people who voluntarily quit their jobs. This percentage dropped from 15.1 percent in February to 13.0 percent. This is an important measure of labor market strength, since it indicates the extent to which workers are sufficiently confident of their labor market prospects that they are willing to quit a job before they have another job lined up.

As I always note, these monthly data are erratic, and April may tell a different story, but the March data are consistent with some weakening of the labor market. To be clear, a labor market where workers cannot count on pay increases and quit a job they dislike is not good news. But the concern that the labor market was too strong, and would lead to serious problems with inflation, was real. The March report suggests this is less likely to be the case.

I will also add two points that are often overlooked in the inflation discussion. There has been a big shift from wages to profits in the last two years. The profit share of national income has risen by 1.1 percentage points between 2019 and 2021. This is not consistent with the wage-price spiral story told by inflation hawks. If the profit share is increasing, then wages clearly are not driving higher prices.

The other point, is that productivity growth has actually sped up over the last three years, compared to the prior decade. It has average 2.3 percent annually from the fourth quarter of 2018 to the fourth quarter of 2021. It averaged less than 0.8 percent annually from the fourth quarter of 2010 to the fourth quarter of 2018.

This is the opposite of the story we saw with the 1970s inflation. In the 1970s, productivity growth slowed to just over 1.0 percent annually after rising at a 2.5 percent annual rate in the prior quarter century. Workers had long become accustomed to substantial real wage gains year by year. That was no longer possible in the 1970s, with productivity growth slowing to a crawl.

Anyhow, I continue to stress the shift to profits in the pandemic and the uptick in productivity growth as two important differences between the current situation and the 1970s. We'll see how things play out in the quarters and years ahead, however the key point here is that the March jobs report not only had very good news on employment, it also had encouraging news on inflation. The latter point has gone mostly unnoticed.


--

Sunday, February 13, 2022

Fwd: The Morning: The opioid crisis


---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: The New York Times <nytdirect@nytimes.com>
Date: Sun, Feb 13, 2022, 7:43 AM
Subject: The Morning: The opioid crisis
To: <jcase4218@gmail.com>


U.S. overdose deaths keep hitting records year after year.

February 13, 2022

Author Headshot

By German Lopez

Good morning. Overdoses are increasing at a troubling rate.

A service in Pittsburgh for people who died of drug overdoses.Nate Guidry/Pittsburgh Post-Gazette via AP

A rising death toll

Drug overdoses now kill more than 100,000 Americans a year — more than vehicle crash and gun deaths combined.

Sean Blake was among those who died. He overdosed at age 27 in Vermont, from a mix of alcohol and fentanyl, a synthetic opioid. He had struggled to find effective treatment for his addiction and other potential mental health problems, repeatedly relapsing.

"I do love being sober," Blake wrote in 2014, three years before his death. "It's life that gets in the way."

Blake's struggles reflect the combination of problems that have allowed the overdose crisis to fester. First, the supply of opioids surged. Second, Americans have insufficient access to treatment and other programs that can ease the worst damage of drugs.

Experts have a concise, if crude, way to summarize this: If it's easier to get high than to get treatment, people who are addicted will get high. The U.S. has effectively made it easy to get high and hard to get help.

No other advanced nation is dealing with a comparable drug crisis. And over the past two years, it has worsened: Annual overdose deaths spiked 50 percent as fentanyl spread in illegal markets, more people turned to drugs during the pandemic, and treatment facilities and other services shut down.

Chart shows provisional figures. | Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

The path to crisis

In the 1990s, drug companies promoted opioid painkillers as a solution to a problem that remains today: a need for better pain treatment. Purdue Pharma led the charge with OxyContin, claiming it was more effective and less addictive than it was.

Doctors bought into the hype, and they started to more loosely prescribe opioids. Some even operated "pill mills," trading prescriptions for cash.

A growing number of people started to misuse the drugs, crushing or dissolving the pills to inhale or inject them. Many shared, stole and sold opioids more widely.

Policymakers and drug companies were slow to react. It wasn't until 2010 that Purdue introduced a new formulation that made its pills harder to misuse. The C.D.C. didn't publish guidelines calling for tighter prescribing practices until two decades after OxyContin hit the market.

In the meantime, the crisis deepened: Opioid users moved on to more potent drugs, namely heroin. Some were seeking a stronger high, while others were cut off from painkillers and looking for a replacement.

Traffickers met that demand by flooding the U.S. with heroin. Then, in the 2010s, they started to transition to fentanyl, mixing it into heroin and other drugs or selling it on its own.

Drug cartels can more discreetly produce fentanyl in a lab than heroin derived from large, open poppy fields. Fentanyl is also more potent than heroin, so traffickers can smuggle less to sell the same high.

Because of its potency, fentanyl is also more likely to cause an overdose. Since it began to proliferate in the U.S., yearly overdose deaths have more than doubled.

No one has a good answer for how to halt the spread of fentanyl. Synthetic drugs in general remain a major, unsolved question not just in the current opioid epidemic but in dealing with future drug crises as well, Keith Humphreys, a Stanford University drug policy expert, told me.

Other drug crises are looming. In recent years, cocaine and meth deaths have also increased. Humphreys said that historically, stimulant epidemics follow opioid crises.

A needle exchange in Eureka, Calif.Max Whittaker for The New York Times

Neglecting solutions

A robust treatment system could have mitigated the damage from increasing supplies of painkillers, heroin and fentanyl. But the U.S. has never had such a system.

Treatment remains inaccessible for many. Sean Blake's parents, Kim and Tim, drained savings and retirement accounts and college funds to pay for treatment. Like the Blakes, many families spend thousands of dollars to try to get loved ones into care. Health insurers often refuse to pay for treatment; legal requirements for insurance coverage are poorly enforced.

When treatment is available, it's often of low quality. The Blakes frequently found that providers were ill-equipped and overwhelmed. Some seemed to offer no evidence-based care at all.

Across the country, most facilities don't offer effective medications; instead, they often focus on unproven approaches, like wilderness or equine therapy.

Some are just scams. One, called the "Florida shuffle," has in recent years sent patients from facility to facility without offering real treatment — taking advantage of people desperate for help.

Beyond treatment, the U.S. lags behind other countries in approaches like needle exchanges that focus on keeping people alive, ideally until they're ready to stop using drugs. The country also could do more to prevent drug use and address root causes of addiction, a recent report from Stanford University and The Lancet found.

The solutions are costly. A plan that President Biden released on the campaign trail, which experts praised, would total $125 billion over 10 years. That's far more than Congress has committed to the crisis. Lawmakers haven't taken up Biden's plan, and the White House hasn't pushed for it, so far embracing smaller steps.

But inaction carries a price, too. Overdose deaths cost the economy $1 trillion a year in health expenses, reduced productivity and other losses, a new government report concluded — equivalent to nearly half of America's economic growth last year.

For more:

NEWS

The Ukraine Crisis
Ukrainian soldiers on Saturday in the country's east.Tyler Hicks/The New York Times
  • President Biden warned Russian President Vladimir Putin that invading Ukraine would cost Russia dearly.
  • The U.S. has sought to avert bloodshed by trying to beat Putin at his own game: information warfare.
  • Ukrainian businesses are struggling to secure investments and distributing brochures on what to do if war breaks out.
  • Follow our updates for the latest.
Other Big Stories
Trump chocolate bars at the Trump International Hotel in Las Vegas.Josh Edelson/AFP via Getty Images
  • Donald Trump is monetizing his post-presidency by undertaking ventures that trade on his political fame and fan base.
  • The police were outnumbered and unprepared for the convoy of protesters that have descended on Canada's capital.
  • Some in the Super Bowl host city, Inglewood, Calif., fear it is losing its identity as a predominantly Black section of Los Angeles.
  • A couple accused of Bitcoin laundering led strange online lives seemingly at odds with prosecutors' descriptions of sophisticated criminals.
The Week Ahead
Nathan Chen won gold in figure skating.Chang W. Lee/The New York Times

FROM OPINION

James Joyce, in 1938.Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Maureen Dowd: Washington can be as incomprehensible to decipher as James Joyce.

Ross Douthat: The thin line separating professional sports from the gambling industry is disappearing.

Elizabeth Spiers: The firing of Jeff Zucker of CNN reminds us that sex and power are often intertwined.

Jane Coaston: More people should get second chances.

The Sunday question: How well has Biden stood up to Putin?

Biden's aggression — arming Ukraine, rallying NATO and threatening sanctions — has "surprised and discombobulated" Russia, writes Holman W. Jenkins Jr. in The Wall Street Journal. In The Times, Kori Schake faults Biden for ruling out sending troops to Ukraine and failing to gird Americans for any invasion's likely fallout, including higher gas prices.

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BOOKS

Rebecca Clarke

An education: Books teach the skills of empathy and compassion, the author Olga Tokarczuk says.

Our editors' picks: "Goliath," by Tochi Onyebuchi, is an ambitious novel of a crumbling future America.

Times best sellers: Daniel H. Pink's "The Power of Regret" can one day look back fondly on this week's hardcover nonfiction best-seller list. See all our lists.

The Book Review podcast: Jessamine Chan's debut novel, "The School for Good Mothers," highlights impossible standards for moms, she says.

THE SUNDAY TIMES MAGAZINE

Photo illustration by Zachary Scott for The New York Times

Bob Odenkirk: What other comedian could play both an oily lawyer on "Better Call Saul" and the beloved patriarch in "Little Women"?

Recommendation: Cheetos Flamin' Hots, the embodiment of artificial excess.

Fashion: Influencers over 50 possess a unique sense of sartorial freedom.

NOW TIME TO PLAY

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Thanks for spending part of your weekend with The Times. — German

Claire Moses, Ian Prasad Philbrick, Tom Wright-Piersanti, Ashley Wu and Sanam Yar contributed to The Morning. You can reach the team at themorning@nytimes.com.

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